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ENGLISH TOWNS IN THE WARS 
OF THE ROSES 



JAMES E. WINSTON 



UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA 



ENGLISH TOWNS IN THE WARS 
OF THE ROSES 



BY 

JAMES E. WINSTON 



A THESIS 

PRESENTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL IN 

PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR 

THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 



PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS 
PRINCETON 

LONDON: HUMPHREY MILFORD 
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 

1 921 



Copyright, 1921, by 
Princeton University Press 

Published, 1921 
Printed in the United States of America 






Gift 

XJXL±7~ 






i 




PREFACE 

The present study in English municipal history was under- 
taken at the suggestion of the late Professor Charles Gross 
of Harvard University, and completed under the direction of 
Professor Edward P. Cheyney, of the University of Pennsyl- 
vania. Association with the former remains a source of in- 
spiration to every student fortunate enough to have come in 
contact with one whose scholarly attainments never obscured 
the sympathetic friend, the courteous gentleman; to the lat- 
ter the writer is happy to be able to make his sincere acknowl- 
edgment for helpful counsel and suggestion placed so un- 
reservedly at his disposal. Long ago honest Madox wrote 
that "Whoso desireth to discourse in a proper manner con- 
cerning corporate towns and communities must take in a great 
variety of matter, and should be allowed a great deal of time 
and preparation." The results attained in this investigation 
are disappointingly meagre compared with the amount of labor 
involved. So far as the number of town and county histories 
is concerned, their name is legion ; from a slender portion 
only however of the many volumes consulted has it been pos- 
sible to obtain any precise information touching the political 
history of the boroughs in the period under consideration. 
Happily the old-fashioned method of treating local history is 
being superseded more and more by the printing of town rec- 
ords, and a number of excellent studies of this character have 
been made available ; the more important of these have been 
noted in the bibliography. It goes without saying that a 
thorough-going study of the subject under consideration would 
necessitate an examination of the archives of the various towns 
whose history has been dealt with; since this has not been 



possible, the writer has been compelled to rely for the most 
part upon printed sources and upon those town histories whose 
authors have had access to manuscript sources. If only the 
writer shall have succeeded in suggesting a field of inquiry 
in which future investigators may achieve more marked results, 
his task will not have been in vain. 

James E. Winston. 
The H. Sophie Newcomb Memorial College 
of Tulane University, 
New Orleans, La. 



iv 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 

Chapter I. Introduction. 

Chapter II. London. 

Chapter III. York, Bristol, Coventry, Norwich. 

Chapter IV. Lincoln, Colchester, Southampton, Newcastle. 

Chapter V. Hull, Gloucester, Exeter. 

Chapter VI. The Cinque Ports. 

Chapter VII. Northampton, Beverley, Ludlow. 

Chapter VIII. Conclusion. 



CHAPTER I 

Introduction 

It is the purpose of this paper to examine the attitude of 
some of the more important English boroughs in the civil 
wars of the fifteenth century. Historians generally have failed 
to reach any agreement about the part played by the towns 
in the Wars of the Roses, and in addition have unduly mini- 
mized it as a whole. 1 In general it may be said that three 
opinions have been expressed by writers dealing with this sub- 
ject. By some historians we are assured that the great mer- 
chant towns, including London, were steady for the house of 
York. 2 On the other hand able writers have questioned 
whether the towns can be said to have exhibited any prefer- 
ence for one side of the other. 3 Thirdly, we are told that the 
towns were actuated solely by motives of self-interest; that 
they played fast and loose with the dominant powers in the 
state ; that they manifested no constant devotion to the Red or 
the White Rose. 4 Says one writer: "The towns reluctantly 
sent their soldiers when they were ordered out to the aid of 
the reigning king, and whatever might be the side on which 
they fought, as soon as victory was declared, hurried off their 
messengers with gifts and protestations to the conqueror." 5 
The last alleged attitude has been made the basis of a severe 
indictment of the towns: "If not actively mischievous, they 
were solidly inert. They refused to entangle themselves in 

*Cf. Stubbs, Constitutional History of England, III, 611; Green, 
Town Life in the Fifteenth Century, I, 164; Vickers, England in the 
Later Middle Ages, p. 439. 

2 Green, History of the English People, II, 551; Blomefield, History 
of Norfolk, III, 167. Cf. Green, II, 561. Lucas, Illustrations of the 
History of Bristol and its Neighbourhood, p. 209. 

3 Stubbs, Const. Hist., Ill, 611. 

4 Gneist, History of the English Constitution, pp. 438-439 5 Rogers, 
History of Agriculture and Prices, IV, 9, 10, says that "not one of 
them suffered loss from fidelity to any side," — a statement which can 
easily be shown to be wide of the truth. Cf. also Alice E. Radice, "Eng- 
lish Society during the Wars of the Roses," in the Antiquary for 
August, 1904. 

5 Green, Town Life, II, 331. 



politics at all. They submitted impassively to each ruler in 
turn, when they had ascertained that their own persons and 
property were not endangered by so doing. A town, it has 
been remarked, seldom or never stood a siege during the Wars 
of the Roses, for no town ever refused to open its gates to 
any commander with an adequate force who asked for en- 
trance. . . . Loyalty seems to have been as wanting among 
the citizens as among the barons of England. If they gener- 
ally showed some slight preference for York rather than for 
Lancaster, it was not on any moral or sentimental ground, 
but because the house of Lancaster was known by experience 
to be weak in enforcing 'good governance,' and the house of 
York was pledged to restore the strength of the Crown and 
to secure better times for trade than its rival." 6 

An attempt will be made to show that the attitude of the 
boroughs was not so selfish as it has been depicted. At the 
outset, however, it is admitted that a certain degree of cautious 
regard for their interests was imposed upon the townsmen by 
circumstances over which they had no control. The war, which 
began as a struggle to vindicate constitutional liberties, de- 
generated after 1460 into a mere blood feud between two 
reckless factions which were indifferent to the needs and well- 
being of the townsmen. If the towns were courted by one 
side or the other, it was largely from selfish motives. When 
we find the barons, who should have been their natural leaders, 
swayed by no principles save those of self-interest, it is hardly 
a matter of surprise to find the burghers actuated by similar 
motives. In material wealth and prosperity the towns had 
taken enormous strides since the days when John or Simon de 
Montfort had bid for their support. To have actively espoused 
one side or the other in the struggle between Lancaster and 
York was merely courting disaster to their trade and industry ; 
and, above all, active partisanship on the part of the city gov- 
ernments meant ruin for those highly prized liberties and 
privileges of trade and of self-government which represented 
the slow and oftentimes painful efforts of centuries. In these 
uncertain times when "men wot not what wyll fall ther off, 
nor ther affter," 7 it can hardly be a reproach to the townsmen 
that they oftentimes exercised their wits not unsuccessfully in 

6 Oman, Warwick, p. 11. 

7 Past on Letters (ed. Gairdner), II, 394. 



refusing to become embroiled in the factional fights of the 
times, but held themselves aloof as far as possible, the greater 
part of the citizens pursuing their daily tasks until the tide of 
war approached their gates. 

While, therefore, a prudent self-interest led many of the 
towns to pursue a temporizing policy during the dynastic 
struggles of the fifteenth century, such a policy would seem 
not entirely without justification. In the absence of any col- 
lective organization on the part of the boroughs, every town 
was forced to adopt whatever makeshifts the exigencies of 
the moment might demand. It was well for the future of trade 
and of industry that the towns as a rule were governed by 
motives of self-interest. It could hardly be expected that a 
borough should have maintained a struggle single-handed when 
a change of fortune had brought about the momentary down- 
fall or lasting ruin of the cause it had espoused. Rather they 
bowed their heads to the storm and accepted a condition of 
affairs they were powerless to avert. 

But the records show that the towns were far less generally 
actuated by purely local and selfish motives, that some of the 
burghers were far more consistently loyal to Lancaster or York, 
and that the losses incurred by them on account of this loyalty 
were far greater than has been assumed by modern writers. 
The fact that in a number of places there were throughout 
the struggle rival Lancastrian and Yorkist factions would seem 
to indicate that their course of action was not dictated solely by 
policy. But aside from this, evidence, scanty though it be, 
is not lacking to show that many of the towns, including some 
of the most important ones in the realm, were keenly interested 
in the outcome of the struggle, while not a few examples can 
be cited of unswerving loyalty and devotion to the party of 
their choice. In fact indications are not lacking to show that 
as the struggle progressed, the commonalty were drawn more 
and more into the contest, being every day made more and 
more parties in the cause. The very fact that a chronicler 
would make the grossly exaggerated statement that 30,000 of 
the commons were slain at Towton besides men of name lends 
colour to the belief that the number of commoners who fell on 
that field must have been unduly large. That a number of 
towns sent contingents to the field of Towton has been recorded 



in a well-known contemporary song. 8 In this same connec- 
tion another exaggerated statement of the chroniclers may be 
noted. When Edward IV was hurrying north in 1462, after 
the capture of Bamborough and Alnwick by Margaret, we are 
told by an ardent Yorkist that he was joined by troops from 
every town, 9 a statement in which we see reflected the belief 
on the part of the writer that a number of towns were send- 
ing, partly from compulsion, partly also of their own free 
will, troops to the support of the Yorkist cause. 

Whatever may have been the attitude of the boroughs to- 
wards the conflict waged by the heads of the great families 
and their retainers in the fifteenth century, there is no mis- 
taking the attitude of those rival factions towards the towns, 
for the contending parties were quick to recognize the help 
that could be gained from the support of the burghers, who 
were either to be respected as a powerful neutral body, or to 
be won over as auxiliaries. "Their aid was courted by the 
two contending parties in the state." 10 As early as 1450 we 
find one of the rival parties endeavoring to enlist the goodwill 
and support of the towns. In this year the civil authorities of 
Canterbury, Colchester, Oxford, Sandwich, and a number of 
other cities and boroughs received letters from the Duke of 
York or from his adherents for the purpose of strengthening 
his cause and furthering his interests. The purport of these 
letters may be gathered from the following explanation which 
accompanied the letter sent to the king: "He, (the Duke of 
York) continuing in his malicious entent, by subtle means 
thought to achieve his purpose by might, wrote letters to the 
many cities, boroughs and towns of this your noble realm, 
coloured under a pretence of a will to have made a common 
insurrection against you, to have destroyed your most noble 
person." 11 In February, 1452, we find the Duke of York writ- 
ing to the burgesses of Shrewsbury praying and exhorting 
them "to fortify, enforce, and assist me, and to come to me 
with all diligence, wheresoever I shall be, or draw, with as 
many goodly and likely men as ye may, to execute the intent 
above said." 12 The large number of charters granted by Ed- 

8 Archaeologia, XXIX, 343. 

9 William of Worcester, p. 780. 

10 Cf. Thompson, History of Leicester, pp. 181, 186. 

11 Acts and Proceedings of Privy Council, VI, 91 ; Rot. Pari., V, 346. 
12 Historical Letters (ed. Ellis), I, 11. 



ward IV to boroughs record, in many instances, that the 
privileges granted are in return for the services rendered him 
in subduing his enemies and in gaining the crown. In fact 
we are distinctly told that Edward ratified all the franchises 
given to cities and towns, and granted to many cities and towns 
new franchises to a greater extent than had ever been done 
before. "For so moche as he fande in tyme of nede grete 
comforth in his comyners, he ratyfied and confermyd all the 
ffraunsches yeve to citeis and townes, and graunted to many 
cyteis and townes new fraunschesses more than was graunted 
before, ryghte largly, and made chartours thereof, to the extent 
to have the more good wille and love in his londe." 13 The 
progresses made in the summer after his coronation through 
Canterbury, Winchester, Bristol, and other places by Edward 
were largely undertaken no doubt for the purpose of winning 
the good-will of the townsmen for the new monarchy. In 
this respect Edward showed himself wiser on the whole than 
his Lancastrian rival, cultivating more successfully than Henry 
friendly relations with the body of the townsmen. 

That there existed an important relation between the rising 
of Cade and the supporters of York admits of no question. 14 
On the other hand, though the Lancastrian parliament at 
Coventry at its meeting on November 20, 1459, recited the 
Duke's connection with Cade's rebellion, 15 there seems no real 
ground for supposing any connection between Cade's rebels 
and the Duke. The insurrection of Cade found many sym- 
pathizers in London and was strongly supported by the cor- 
porate towns, the most disaffected centers being traced by those 
places to which quarters of the rebels were sent by the govern- 
ment after the collapse of the movement. 16 "Given to a man 

13 Warkworth, Chronicle, p. 2. For some of these charters see below, 
pp. 29, 31, 41, 54, 61, 63. 

14 The volume of the Patent Rolls for the years 1446-1452 contains a 
mass of evidence showing the regions affected by the insurrection and 
the character of Cade's supporters. See pp. 338, et seq., 461, 503. Cf. 
Kriehn, The English Rising of 1450, pp. 120-124; Paston Letters (ed. 
Gairdner), Introd., p. lxxix, et seq., p. xci; Cade's proclamation is 
printed in Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles (Stowe's Hist. Mem.), 
pp. 04-95. Cf. also Bale's Chronicle (Flenley, Six Town Chronicles of 
England) . 

15 Rot. Pari. V, 346. 

16 Acts and Proceedings of Privy Council, VI, 107-108; Davies's 
English Chronicle (Camden Society), p. 67; Paston Letters, Introd., 
p. lxxxvii. Cf. Flenley, Six Town Chronicles of England, Introd., 
P- 73- 



carrying a quarter of a man, to supersede the said quarter 
3s 4d" — "Paid i8d for a pair of boots, as a reward promised 
to him." The men of New Romney bribed a man to deposit 
his quarter of one of the rebels elsewhere. 17 It has been ob- 
served that the counties from which Cade drew the bulk of 
his followers, — those, namely, in the south-eastern parts of 
the realm, were warm supporters of the Duke of York. 

17 Hist. MSS. Comm., V, Pt. I, 543. For interest of Cinque Ports in 
Cade's cause see Ibid., X, 520, 522, 543. 



CHAPTER II 



London 



As may be imagined, the most active and conspicuous part 
assumed by any town during the struggle between Lancaster 
and York was taken by London, "the chiefe key and common 
spectacle to the whole realme." The history of London during 
these eventful years has been recorded with comparative 
fulness by contemporary chroniclers, and in spite of the some- 
what contradictory accounts as to the part taken by the citizens 
of the capital in the struggle for the Crown, it is possible to set 
forth with a tolerable degree of certainty just to what extent 
the metropolis was involved in the politics of the time. The 
attitude of London had been decisive in the conflict between 
Stephen and Matilda; in the struggle between John and his 
barons, the citizens utterly forsook their king; in the quarrel 
between Henry III and Simon de Montfort, the populace of 
the city was devoted to the great Earl. It was London that 
had invited Bolingbroke to assume the crown, his troops being 
pensioned dg/i subsidized by the citizens. 1 The house of Lan- 
caster raa*? be said to have been secure so long as it retained 
the affections of London. On the whole it may be fairly said 
that the adhesion of the Londoners, whose support could 
generally be counted upon at critical moments, turned the 
scale in favour of the Yorkist claimant to the throne, though 
the mass of the citizens were by no means at all times zealous 
for the cause of Edward, and there could always be found 
supporters of the Red Rose faction in the city. In 1454 for 
instance the London authorities deemed it best to assume a non- 
committal attitude towards the two rival factions. It is plainly 
evident there were "diverse opinions" amongst the citizens 
touching the merits of the claims of Henry VI and of his rival. 
So far as the civic authorities were concerned, at heart they 
may have been loyal to Henry, but they determined to support 
Edward who, with all his faults, seemed capable of enforcing 

1 An English Chronicle from 1377 to 1461, p. 15. 

7 



a strong rule. On several conspicuous occasions the citizens 
of London rendered the cause of Edward effective support. 
Only July 2, 1460, the Yorkists were admitted into the city; 
here they were aided in an attack made upon the Tower held by 
the Lancastrians; a few days later a loan of £1000 was voted 
the Yorkist Earls by the city. 2 When a prompt advance upon 
London after the second battle of St. Albans might have rein- 
stated the King and Queen, the lower orders showed a spirit 
of determined hostility. 3 "And all this season was greate 
wacche made in the citie of London, ffor it Was Reported 
that the Queene wt the Northern men wold come downe to 
the Citie and Robbe and dispoile the Citie, and distroy it ut- 
terly, and all the Sowth Countre." 4 According to some ac- 
counts the Lord Mayor was almost the only one in London at 
this time who was faithful to the Red Rose; according to 
others, the mayor and chief commoners held to the Queen's 
party, and the commonalty was with York and his affinity. 
Be that as it may, "the comones, for the sauacione of the cyte, 
toke the keys of the yates were they shulde have entred, and 
manly kept and defended hit fro theyre enemyes, unto the 
commyng of Edwarde the noble erle of Marche." 5 The news 
of the depredations committed by the Queen's army had shaken 
the allegiance of many of her partisans ; the presence in their 
midst of the Yorkist claimant to the throne no doubt resulted 
in others who were wavering being seduced fron* their faith- 
fulness to the Lancastrian cause. 

Edward upon his entry into the city is represented as being 
received with joy by lords, citizens, and merchants. 6 This was 
in the last week of February, 1461. 7 A few days later the 
young Duke was accepted as King by the commonalty of the 
city. 8 Among "the people of the erles part" were "a great 
number of the substanciall citezens there assembled to behold 
their order." After Edward had been enthroned at West- 

2 Sharpe, London and the Kingdom, I, 301. 

3 Stevenson, Wars of the English in France, Pt. II, 776; Hall, Chron- 
icle, p. 253. 

4 Kingsford, Chronicles of London, p. 172. 

5 An English Chronicle from 1377 to 1461, p. 109. 

6 Whethamstede, I, 404; Waurin, V, 330-33 1 - 

7 Either February 27 or 28. 

8 Hall, Chronicle, p. 253 ; To the usual authorities for Edward's 
accession may be added Gough's account in Six Town Chronicles of 
England (Flenley). Contradictory dates are given by writers for the 
coronation of Edward which occurred June 28. 



minster Hall "it was agayne demaunded of the commens, if 
they would admitte and take the sayd erle as their prince and 
souereigne lord, which al with one voice cried 'yea, yea.' " 
The Duke remained with Warwick a week in the city for the 
purpose of mustering troops. Thus his cause was linked with 
that of the burgesses, and the fortunes of both would stand 
or fall together. Edward knew the effect of this act would 
be wide and far-reaching. The significance of the event is 
realized when it is recalled with what eagerness the last of the 
Plantagenets sought to have his title ratified by the citizens of 
London. The news of Edward's victory at Towton was joy- 
fully received in the capital. Had Somerset and the Arch- 
bishop held out a few days longer in 1471, it seems that noth- 
ing could have saved Edward's cause, for Warwick would 
then have been enabled to cut off his retreat ; as it was, the 
lack of enthusiasm for Henry enabled Edward easily to effect 
an entrance and take possession of his capital. 9 The pos- 
session of London by Edward forced Warwick to give battle 
before he was ready. 

Not only did the citizens of the metropolis render Edward 
effective moral support ; upon more than one battle-field they 
proved their loyalty to his cause. A large body of trained 
bands of London citizens are said to have demonstrated their 
superiority in archery at the second battle of St. Albans. They 
assisted Edward in recapturing from Margaret the castles of 
Bamborough and Alnwick in 1463. The victories of Barnet 
and Tewkesbury were won with the help of the Londoners. 10 
The attack of the 'bastard' Falconbridge upon the city in 147 1 
was repulsed by the citizens with no extraneous aid. 11 "But 
for all his sondes and letters made to the comons of the 
cite he cowde have no license." Edward rewarded the fidelity 
of the city by granting it two charters, one in 1461, and the 
other, conferring many privileges upon the city, in 1462 ; he 
moreover confirmed in the latter year the charter granted the 

9 See Arrivall of King Edward IV, pp. 15, 16; Warkworth, Chronicle, 
p. 15; Kingsford, Chronicles of London, pp. 179, 318. 

10 Arrivall of King Edward IV, p. 18; Polydore Vergil, Historia An- 
glicana (C.S.), pp. 144, 150. William of Worcester, p. 775. 

"Kingsford, Chronicles of London, p. 185. Warkworth's statement 
(Chronicle), p. 19, that but for the burning of Aldgate and London 
Bridge the commons of the city would have admitted Falconbridge 
does not appear to be borne out by the facts. 



city by Henry IV. 12 It is thus seen how important for the 
success of Edward was the assistance rendered by the Lon- 
doners. So far as London is concerned, — and the same remark 
would perhaps, with certain important exceptions, apply to the 
towns as a whole, — the cause of Edward may be termed the 
popular one. 13 At any rate, the cause of the Yorkists was more 
popular in London, Bristol and Coventry after 1461 than was 
that of Margaret. The motives which led the townsmen to 
favour the cause of Edward and to discard the Lancastrian 
monarchy may be conveniently considered in another con- 
nection. 

In size, wealth, and importance, London stood in a class by 
itself throughout the entire medieval period. And yet even 
London was in point of numbers what would be today con- 
sidered as a small place ; for the population of the city in the 
middle of the fifteenth century certainly did not exceed 50,000, 
— in fact was probably several thousand less. York and Bristol 
were the towns which ranked next in size to London, each 
with a population only about one-fourth or one-fifth as large ; 
Norwich and Coventry stood next; the former contained 
perhaps some 10,000 inhabitants; the latter probably 
a few thousand less. 14 Any estimates of the populations 
of the fifteenth century municipalities can hardly be 
much more than rough guesses, since no satisfactory data 
exist upon which to base any accurate conclusions as to num- 
bers. But these rough estimates, although they do not tell us 
the exact size of any of these five towns, show us accurately 
enough their relative size and also the importance of their 
alliance as compared with that of the majority of English 
boroughs, which reckoned their burgesses only by hundreds. 
Bearing these facts in mind we may next consider the part 
taken in the conflict by the towns just mentioned. 

12 Sharpe, London and the Kingdom, I, 307, 308 ; III, App. A., 391 ; 
Merewether and Stephens, History of Boroughs, II, 951. 

13 Polydore Vergil, p. no, says Edward was a prince " much desired 
of the Londoners." Comines, I, 278, dwells upon the causes of Ed- 
ward's popularity in London. Cf. Stubbs, Const. Hist., Ill, 223. 

14 Cf. Gross, Gild Merchant, I, 73; Ashley, Economic History, II, n; 
Cunningham, Growth of English Industry and Commerce, I, 385. Some 
conclusions may be drawn from the levy of Archers in 1453 as to the 
size of certain towns, Rot. Pari., V, 232. In all probability the numbers 
given for Norwich and Coventry are too large. 



to 



CHAPTER III 

York, Bristol, Coventry, Norwich 

York's share in the dynastic struggle of the fifteenth century 
is both interesting and curious. Few English cities are said 
to have passed through more numerous and violent changes of 
fortune during the wars of York and Lancaster than the 
ancient city of York. From the fact that York was the 
capital of the north country, which portion of the realm, it is 
generally agreed, was one of the chief seats of Margaret's 
power, it might be inferred that the town was Lancastrian in 
its sympathies. In 1454 we find Henry writing to the citizens 
of York and commending them for their laudable behaviour 
and desiring them to continue at all times their good will 
and faith towards him. This inference would be strengthened 
by the fact that Edward found it necessary to discipline those 
of the citizens who resisted him. 1 On the other hand, the 
city rendered important services to the Yorkist King, and was 
rewarded by him in a substantial manner for its faithfulness. 
By some writers this extraordinary grant, which is dated at 
York, June 10, 1464, is considered conclusive proof of the 
city's devotion to Edward. 2 In this patent the King expresses 
his great concern for the hardships and sufferings the city 
had undergone during these wars, insomuch as to be almost 
reduced to the lowest degree of poverty by them. In consider- 
ation of which he now relinquishes the usual farm of the city, 
and assigns them an annual rent of 40 pounds to be paid out 
of his customs in the port of Hull, for twelve years to come. 3 
Other writers mistakenly suppose that the citizens first 
espoused the cause of Edward at this time, or look upon his 
grant as an endeavour upon his part to gain their favour. But 
as early as March, 1462, when the Earl of Warwick, to whom 

1 See Whethamstede, I, 411. 

2 Drake, Eboracum, p. 112. 

3 Hargrove, History and Description of the Ancient City of York, 
I, 114. An account of the grant is given in a number of secondary 
authorities. 



the people of Yorkshire are said to have been devoted and who 
possessed extensive lands in Yorkshire, 4 arrived at York, the 
council was induced to raise a troop of men-at-arms to join 
the royal forces under the command of the Earl. Two months 
later the York soldiers, equipped and with their captain, Chris- 
topher Berwyk, joined the Earl of Warwick at Carlisle which, 
in the preceding year had been besieged by the Scots at the 
instance of the Lancastrians. A number of entries in the York 
Records have to do with the manufacture of a standard for 
the troops. "And in two ells of buckram, i6d. ; bought for 
the standard of the Arms of the City, on that occasion made 
and carried to Carlisle by Christopher Berwyk, Captain, 2s. 
8d." 5 Warwick dispatched a messenger to York with good 
news of his proceedings in the north. Warwick's influence at 
this time with the authorities of York was thus used to further 
the cause of Edward. Communications continued to pass 
between the council of York and the Earl. On one occasion 
the sum of 8d was paid by the town on account of the ex- 
penses of a messenger riding from York to Middleham to 
certify to Lord Warwick the taking of a person coming from 
'the northern parts' with certain letters upon him. 6 In No- 
vember, 1462, Edward visited York. On the day following 
the bloody battle of Towton he had been received in the city 
"with great solempnyte, and processyons," though of course 
this proves nothing as to the predilections of the citizens. He 
had moreover sojourned in their midst several weeks after the 
battle. 7 Now he came in quest of assistance against Margaret 
who had landed in the north. At Pontefract he was greeted by 
two of the aldermen, one of whom was a member of Parlia- 
ment for the city. 8 Edward doubtless had little difficulty in 
inducing the civic authorities to equip again a body of men-at- 
arms for the royal service. The very next month we find the 
city spending money for cloth out of which to make scarves 
for York soldiers riding with the King to the siege of the 
castles of Bamborough, Alnwick, and Dunstanborough. 9 That 

4 Davies, Extracts from the Municipal Records of the City of York, 
pp. 29, 47. Hereafter this book will be quoted as York Records. 

5 Ibid., pp. 19-20, 28. 

6 Ibid., p. 21. 

7 Edward remained at York till April 16 ; he was at the northern 
capital again from the 10th to the 14th of May. 

8 Ibid., p. 19. 

9 Ibid., pp. 23, 30. 



Edward and the citizens of York were upon good terms at 
this time is furthermore shown by the fact that, while in the 
north, the King twice despatched messengers to the city with 
the news of his successes in Northumberland. It is also inter- 
esting to note that the city council deputed officers to ride to 
Durham and to Newcastle to learn the King's pleasure con- 
cerning the government of the city in his absence. 10 "And in 
the expenses of William Stokton and Thomas Scansteby, Al- 
derman, riding from York to Pontefract, to confer with our 
Lord, King Edward, in the month of November, 13s. 4d." In 
1464 he occupied the palace in the city for some time, prescrib- 
ing to the citizens the manner in which they should elect their 
mayor. 11 It seems clear, therefore, that the citizens of York 
were favourably disposed to the cause of Edward prior to 
1464, when he requited their services with the grant mentioned 
above. Of course it may be suggested that these evidences of 
friendship on the part of the townsmen were inspired by fear 
rather than by love, because the citizens had no alternative but 
to support the cause of Edward. On the other hand, it is not 
unreasonable to suppose that there were those in the city who 
regarded the house of York with affection. Edward was by 
no means a stranger to the art of ingratiating himself with 
the burgher class. On a later notable occasion the very sight 
of his person, according to one of the chroniclers, was suf- 
ficient to quench the malice of his enemies and to turn a cold 
and perhaps hostile group of citizens into a crowd of enthu- 
siastic supporters. Sandal Castle was a favourite residence of 
Richard, Duke of York. 12 The Duke of Gloucester, whose 
connection with city and county began at an early period, was 
said to be very popular in York. 13 From the town records it is 
evident that "Richard had constant intercourse with the cit- 
izens of York, and was regarded by them with much personal 
esteem and attachment." While most of Yorkshire may have 
been under the influence of the great Lancastrian families, yet 
the county possessed powerful supporters of the White Rose 
whose influence would tell with the townsmen in upholding 
the cause of Edward. Prominent among these was William, 
Lord Hastings, whose principal mansion was the castle of 

10 Ibid., pp. 43, 45, 46. 

11 Ibid., p. 7, note ; Merewether and Stephens, Boroughs, II, 997. 

12 Davies, York Records, p. 199, note. 

13 Ibid., p. 31. 

13 



Slingsby in Yorkshire. His ancestors had settled here in the 
time of Edward II and had long been distinguished in the 
county of York. That Hastings was upon good terms with 
the municipality of York is evident from entries such as these 
in the town records : 'And in the expenses of William Worell, 
riding from York to Newcastle-upon-Tyne, and to Alnwick, to 
confer with Lord Hastings, Chamberlain of the King." On 
another occasion expenses were incurred in connection with the 
servant of an alderman riding to Durham to speak with Lord 
Hastings in order to obtain his advice and favour in the gov- 
ernment of the city touching Edward's visit. 14 So long as 
Edward retained the goodwill of the powerful Neville con- 
nection, he could count with a reasonable degree of certainty 
upon having friends in York. The same thing is true, though 
to a less degree, of the Scropes of Bolton, bitter foes of the 
house of Lancaster. 

If any single year is to be taken as marking the turning of 
the inhabitants of York from Henry to Edward, the date 1461 
might with a show of probability be assigned as the time ; for 
we are told that after the battle of Towton Edward was gen- 
erous enough to take the citizens into his favour, at the earnest 
request of Lord Montague and Lord Berners. "And the mayor 
and commons of the City made their 'menys' to have grace, 
by Lord Montague and Lord Berners, which before the King's 
coming into the said city desired him of grace for the said 
City, which granted them grace." 15 A more probable supposi- 
tion is that the city of York contained adherents both of Lan- 
caster and of York, as was the case with more than one muni- 
cipality in the Wars of the Roses. York is said to have been 
the centre of the strong party formed in the north under the 
Earl of Westmoreland and Lords Dacre, Clifford, and Egre- 
mont. Here Henry and Margaret assembled their hosts before 
the battle of Towton. The Palm Sunday which was to prove 
so disastrous to them must have been an anxious day for the 
citizens of York, for no doubt many of the townsmen were 
engaged on that bloody field, fighting perhaps under the rival 
standards. But this is mere conjecture, since we have no posi- 
tive knowledge to what extent the townsmen were engaged in 

14 Ibid., pp. 21, 25. The Harringtons of Brierly in Yorkshire were 
also devoted, it is said, to the house of York. Ibid., App., p. 289. 

15 Ibid., App., p. 292. 

14 



the battle of York Field. The wheel of fortune took violent 
turns during the conflict between the rival factions. Hardly 
a decade had passed by when the victor of Towton found him- 
self an exile and the Lancastrian cause in the ascendant. 
Writers have noted the similarity between the return of Ed- 
ward IV in 1471 and that of Bolingbroke some seventy years 
earlier. Both landed at the little port of Ravenspur ; each an- 
nounced that he came only to claim his inheritance ; and both 
were ready to resort to any means whereby they might attain 
their ends. From Ravenspur Edward proceeded by way of 
Beverley to York. 16 No enthusiasm had as yet been exhibited 
for Edward. What would be the attitude of the city of York 
towards his pretensions ? To leave so important a place in his 
rear as a rallying point for his enemies would have been dan- 
gerous in the extreme. Three miles from York Edward was 
met by the recorder, who twice attempted to discourage him 
from approaching the city. On the other hand Robert Clif- 
ford and Richard Burgh gave him and his company better 
comfort. Thus heartened, Edward came to the gates of the 
city. Here the larger part of his followers stopped, while 
Edward with fifteen or sixteen persons under the guidance of 
the two citizens entered through Walmsgate Bar. Having 
made known to the body of the townsmen the intent and pur- 
pose of his coming, opposition was disarmed, and he and all 
his fellowship abode in York that night. The next morning, 
after being refreshed, Edward led his company out of the 
city for Tadcaster. Such is the plain unvarnished story in con- 
nection with Edward's entry into York as told by our best 
authority, the author of the "Historie of the Arrivall of King 
Edward IV in England." 17 It will be noted that no allusion 
whatever is made by the writer to Edward's promise to the 
citizens; on the other hand the testimony of Fabyan 18 that 
Edward was guilty of a gross act of perfidy in obtaining en- 
trance into York in 1471 has been generally accepted. Edward 
may have resorted to perjury as his enemies charged, but the 
charge does not rest upon unquestionable evidence. The fact 
that he gave out his intention was merely to recover his ancient 

16 Edward had been in York in the fall of 1469, just after his release 
from Middleham; and in March, 1470. 

17 Page 5- 

18 Page 660. Fabyan was ignorant of the month in which Edward 
landed. 

15 



patrimony is hardly open to doubt. "And when he came at 
York the Citizens kept hym owte till they knewe what was his 
Entent; and when he had shewed that he cam to noon other 
entent but to clayme his Inheritaunce, which was the Dukedom 
of York, he was recyved into the towne, and there Refresshid 
hym and his people; and after that more people and more 
drewe vnto hym." 19 Such we may well believe is an accurate 
description of what took place. The testimony of the citizens 
of York themselves upon the point is interesting, though not 
conclusive. Years later they represented to a Lancastrian king 
that Edward was not suffered to enter until "taking on hyme 
the connysance of there said souverain lord and calling King 
Henry in the opyn streits, was promised and said openly that 
he wold oonely serve unto King Henry his souverain lord at 
all tymes by humble peticion for his right to the Duchie of 
York." 20 The story of Edward's entry into York through 
Walmsgate Bar is one which has stirred the imagination of the 
poet, the artist, and the sober recorder of historical facts. 
The incident of the walls of the city crowded with citizens 
looking down upon Edward and his followers below is a dra- 
matic one, and naturally the chroniclers have seized upon the 
chance to invent parleyings between Edward and the inhab- 
itants of York. 21 According to one account when the people 
had a sight of his person "their malice was quenched and they 
joined him" ; 22 on the other hand, Edward is said to have been 
received with cries of "Long Live King Henry," which arose 
from more than ten thousand throats. 23 Whatever may have 
been the precise mode of Edward's entry into York, the fact 
remains that he succeeded completely in disarming the sus- 
picions of the citizens. They are even said to have accommo- 
dated him with a considerable loan, though this statement rests 
upon no sufficient evidence. 24 According to one account which 
is utterly improbable, Edward divided his men, seized the 
guards, confined the inhabitants to their houses, totally sur- 
prised the city after which he caused himself to be proclaimed 
king. 25 Perhaps after all the citizens were not so unwilling 

19 Kingsford, Chronicles of London, p. 183. 

20 Davies, York Records, App., p. 296. 

21 Cf. Hall, p. 292. 

22 Political Songs and Poems (ed. Wright), R. S. II, 272. 
23 Waurin V, 647 ; Cf . Warkworth, Chronicle, p. 14. 

24 Hargrove, History of the City of York, I, 117. 

25 Ms. British Museum, Lansd. 890; Cf. Hall, p. 292. 

16 



to be convinced of his pacific intentions. There were no doubt 
those among the townsmen who were still loyal to his cause; 
and, as has been suggested, the reluctance to admit Edward 
may have been due in part to a fear of Warwick. 

The story of York's part in the Wars of the Roses may be 
concluded by quoting some extracts from a document of un- 
usual interest, — the account of the citizens' share in the troubles 
of the time as told by themselves. They were now endeavouring 
to gain the goodwill of Henry VI and naturally emphasized 
the services rendered to the Lancastrian cause. The civic 
authorities assured the King they were "sure and fast in dispo- 
sicion toward hyme [i.e. Henry VI] ther naturall soverain lord, 
to ther dutie ever redie to receve and aid his grace and other 
nobles of the north parties, taking his lawfull and true part 
ayenst othre his adversaries in thoes daies and to ther grate 
charges and costs not oonely sent unto the battell of Wakefeld 
CCCC armed and well arrayed men to doo him service, con- 
veing aftrwards the Quene grace there being, and the famous 
prince Edward ther sonne, unto the batell of Saint Albones, 
with other CCCC of like men to th' assistence of ther said 
soverain lord." The city of York was a harbour of refuge 
after Towton for king, queen, prince and their adherents. By 
the town there were "ML men defensible araied, of the which 
many was slayne and put in exile." At the coming of Ed- 
ward, the inhabitants were robbed, despoiled and ransomed; 
Others were so impoverished that many were constrained to 
leave the city so that two parts of the said city after the battle 
were in a few years utterly "proferated, decaied, and 
waisted." 26 Such is the dismal account of the sufferings and 
losses endured by the citizens of York for the house of Lan- 
caster. No doubt the city had befriended the cause of Henry 
just, as we have seen, it did that of York. But that the ac- 
count exaggerated the services rendered the former, and 
glosses over those rendered the latter, there cannot be the 
slightest question. There is every reason for believing that in 
York, as in several other boroughs, there existed rival factions 
during the Wars of the Roses, the one or the other exerting 
the greater influence according as the fortunes of the White or 
the Red Rose obtained the ascendancy ; the civic authorities, so 

26 See Davies, York Records, App. pp. 290-296. 

17 



far as possible, naturally strove to avoid incurring the wrath 
of the rival leaders. 

The men of Bristol like the citizens of York were divided 
in their sympathies between the two rival factions. On the 
one hand it is stated that most of the merchants of the city 
were of the Yorkist party; 27 on the other hand we are told 
there were "many in Bristol who clung to the Red Rose and 
avowed their fealty to Henry. 28 Bristol was second only to the 
capital of the kingdom in wealth and population. Early in its 
history it was described as "a good and strong walled town." 
At this time the city was distinguished for the number of its 
wealthy merchants and for the flourishing state of its trade 
and commerce, though it had not recovered from the blow in- 
flicted by the ravages of the Black Death. 29 Naturally the 
temper of the citizens was such as would preclude their feel- 
ing any great degree of interest in the dynastic struggles of 
the period. Compared with York, for instance, the chief city 
of the southwestern portion of the kingdom may be said to 
have enjoyed comparative tranquillity during the sanguinary 
conflict between the houses of York and Lancaster. Certainly 
the place suffered little from the ravages of civil war, and 
during the whole of the period under consideration her mer- 
chants and manufacturers seem to have pursued their lucrative 
callings with activity and success. The part taken in the con- 
flict between York and Lancaster by the men of Bristol is 
therefore small when compared with that of other towns which 
could not pretend to vie with Bristol in wealth and populous- 
ness. The connection between Bristol and one of the rival 
factions however antedates the outbreak of actual hostilities. 
In 1451, Thomas Yonge, who was a half-brother of William 
Canynges, Bristol's foremost merchant, presented in parlia- 
ment a petition from his constituents that the Duke of York 
should be declared heir to the crown ; for his rashness Yonge 
was committed to the Tower. In the third year of Edward's 
reign Yonge became King's sergeant and four years later 
Justice of the Common Pleas. His son, John, a grocer, rose to 
be Lord Mayor of London and, in 1466, was knighted by the 

27 Cf. Seyer, Memoirs of Bristol, II, 200. 

28 Nicholls and Taylor, History of Bristol, I, 208, 212; Hunt, Bristol, 
p. 96. 

29 Cf. Cunningham, English Industry and Commerce, I, 453. 

18 



Yorkist King on the field for bravery. 30 Yonge, as will be 
seen, was only one among several prominent citizens of Bristol 
who favoured the Yorkist cause. On the other hand Mar- 
garet, who it may be well believed was "on the alert to win the 
great towns to the side of her husband," visited Bristol 31 in 
1455, presumably for the purpose of cultivating the towns- 
men. Several facts would seem to indicate that Margaret was 
not unsuccessful in her endeavour to enlist the sympathy and 
aid of a portion at least of the citizens of Bristol. Among 
those who favoured the Red Rose was Henry May, a merchant, 
who seems to have been a follower of the Earl of Wiltshire 
and Ormond. In 1463 the King was concerned with bringing 
about the punishment of certain persons, who had stirred up 
commotions and insurrections in the town of Bristol and its 
neighbourhood. 32 That a party in the town was on the side of 
Lancaster seems evident from the fact that when Warwick and 
Clarence landed in England in 1470, they were favourably 
received in Bristol, where they were joined by seven or eight 
thousand men. 33 The next year Margaret came to Bristol to 
meet the Duke of Somerset and other chiefs of the Lancastrian 
party. According to one account "they were greatly refreshed 
and relevyd by such as were the King's rebells in that towne of 
money, men, and artilerye." "They toke new corage the Thurs- 
day aftar to take the field," and on May 1 the Lancastrians 
marched out of Bristol and "toke theyr way streyght to 
Berkeley." 34 Only seven, however, of the burgesses are named 
as the principal offenders. 35 In this same year Edward sent 
letters to the town complaining of the conduct of certain per- 
son. Three years later he levied large sums upon the city for 
its fickleness. 36 

Edward on his part was not indifferent to the help of the 
Bristol burghers, and, as has been already intimated, he was 
rewarded with the zealous support of a number of leading cit- 
izens. In the fall of 1461 Edward was a visitor at Bristol 

30 Cf . Nicholls and Taylor, History of Bristol, I, 214. 

31 Great Red Book, p. 77. Cf. Nicholls and Taylor, History of Bristol, 
I, 206. 

32 Seyer, Memoirs of Bristol, II, 192. 
33 Waurin, V, 611. 

34 Quoted by Lucas, Illustrations of the History of Bristol and its 
Neighbourhood, p. 264. 

35 Little Red Book, II, 130-131. 

36 Ibid. 

19 



and was most royally received, 37 though of course this proves 
nothing as to the preference of the citizens for one side or the 
other. This was during the mayoralty of Canynges who had 
already given proof of his zeal for the cause of Edward. 
Shortly after the battle of Wakefield, the mayor and council, 
at the order of the King, sent a fleet against Jasper, Earl of 
Pembroke, at a cost of 500 marks. It was probably in 1462 
that we find the city sending the King forty men defensibly 
arrayed for the space of two months to attend his service 
at a cost of £130. Men were sent into the north for his serv- 
ice; the sum of £200 was furthermore lent the King; 38 while 
at the battle of Towton the cause of the White Rose was up- 
held by a contingent from Bristol which fought beneath the 
"White Ship," the banner of the town. 39 "At this time both 
before and after, the state was in much combustion," is the 
terse comment of one of the writers of the times. Some light is 
thrown upon the attitude of the men of Bristol by the feud 
between the Berkeleys and the Talbots in which the men of 
Bristol were involved, and which culminated in the fray of 
Nibley-Green, fought March 20, 1470. On this occasion Philip 
Mede and John Shipward, the mayor, both of whom were 
zealous Yorkists, led out of the town the men of Bristol to the 
aid of the Berkeleys. Mede had been mayor several times and 
his daughter had married Maurice Berkeley. If further proof 
were needed of the popularity of Edward's cause in Bristol, it 
would be found in the fact that he granted the citizens of Bris- 
tol a charter of great and valuable privileges. On October 22, 
1461, Edward signed at Westminster a charter similar in 
tenour to one of Henry VI. This King in the 24th year of his 
reign had let the town to farm to the mayor and burgesses. 40 
December 14, 1461, King Edward signed a charter confirming 
that of 19 Richard II. In a new charter dated February 12, 
1461-2, the King regrants the former lease of Henry VI of the 
town and its profits forever. A grant was added of every 
profit which could possibly arise to the King from the pos- 
session of the town excepting only escheats of land paying 

37 Nicholls and Taylor, History of Bristol, I, 207; Hunt, Bristol, 
p. 99. The date of the visit is wrongly assigned to the year 1462 by 
the editor of Warkworth's Chronicle, pp. 31-32, Notes. 

38 Great Red Book, p. 205. 

39 Archaeologia, XXIX, 346. 

40 Ms. British Museum, Addit. 15,663. 



annually a fee-farm of £160. The charter furthermore makes 
mention of the "notable services bestowed in various ways by 
our beloved and faithful subjects the mayor and commonalty 
of Bristol." 41 Philip Mede, the mayor, is said to have gone 
to the King when one or all of these charters were granted. 
The chief interest perhaps in connection with the history of 
Bristol during the period covered by the War of the Roses is 
to be found, not so much in the relations of the townsmen as 
a whole to the rival parties, as in the attitude of one of its 
most distinguished citizens — William Canynges. 

The name of this eminent merchant has already been men- 
tioned in connection with important services rendered the 
Yorkist cause. A signal proof of Canynges's loyalty to Ed- 
ward was shown during the reign of Henry VI, when Canyn- 
ges, who was mayor, seized with the approval of the common 
council a quantity of ammunition sent to Bristol by the Lan- 
castrian government and put it in the "tresoure chambyre of 
the saide towne." At the instance of the Duke of York the 
mayor and council took upon themselves the rule of the King's 
castle in Bristol, using a portion of the ammunition in this con- 
nection. The balance was expended in the expedition against 
Jasper, Earl of Pembroke, alluded to above. 42 It is true that 
several historians have asserted that Canynges was a Lancas- 
trian, — at any rate, until he felt himself compelled to change 
his politics by the success of Edward IV. In spite of the fact, 
however, that Henry VI in 1449 refers to Canynges as "his be- 
loved and faithful subject," we are pretty safe in assuming, as 
do the most reliable Bristol historians, that Canynges was on 
the side of the house of York ; and the same motives which de- 
termined the attitude of this successful business man towards 
the dynastic quarrels of the day would no doubt weigh with 
others of his class. Though Bristol was surrounded by estates 
whose lords have been generally represented as Lancastrian in 
sympathy, yet a portion of the inhabitants certainly favoured 
the cause of Edward. The town as a whole did not exhibit a 
clean-cut loyalty towards one side or the other. 

Between the King's levies and the Earl's retainers, the county 
of Warwickshire probably supplied many men on both sides for 
several of the campaigns in the Wars of the Roses. The chief 

41 Seyer, Charters and Letters Patent of Bristol, p. 98. 

42 Cf. Nicholls and Taylor, History of Bristol, I, 213. 



town of the county likewise sent armed men to the support of 
both the rival factions, for the city of Coventry was deeply con- 
cerned in the politics of the time. The influence of the power- 
ful Duke of Buckingham, who became definitely Lancastrian 
in his politics in 1458, together with the old connection be- 
tween the city and the first prince of the blood doubtless go 
far towards explaining the loyalty of the citizens of Coventry 
to the Lancastrian cause. In addition the Court steadily culti- 
vated the good-will of the people of Coventry, which came to 
be known as the "Queen's secret harbour." In return the men 
of Coventry loyally supported the cause of the Red Rose until 
alienated from her cause presumably by the violence of Mar- 
garet and the unruliness of her troops. 43 In the year 1449 
we find the authorities of Coventry making provision for the 
equipment of over six hundred men for the city's defence. 44 
Two years later the city's defences were strengthened and a 
plentiful supply of ammunition laid in. In this same year the 
Leet Book records the gracious welcome accorded their sov- 
ereign Lord, Henry VI, by the mayor and his "wurthy 
bredurn," who were thanked by the King for having the best 
ruled community within the realm during the year just past. 
As a reward for their loyalty and as an evidence of his ap- 
preciation of the honour done him during his stay in their 
midst, Henry conferred the dignity of sheriffs upon the bailiffs 
of the city. 45 The men of Coventry equipped 100 men with 
bright coloured badges for their "soveren lorde" at the out- 
break of hostilities, but through no fault of their own "they 
wenton not," and so the blood of none of the citizens of 
Coventry was spilled at St. Albans' fight. 46 In 1456 Margaret, 
distrustful of the Londoners, moved the Court to Coventry, 
where it continued with intervals for upwards of a year. 47 The 
Queen was welcomed with pageants and costly entertain- 
ments. 48 Here Margaret rallied her forces after the defeat at 
Blore Heath. On November 20, 1459, parliament met at 
Coventry, the Yorkists being conspicuous by their absence. 

43 A vivid account of the ravages of the northern troops is given by 
Whethamstede, I, 388-390. 

44 Harris, Story of Coventry, p. 114. 

45 Ibid., pp. 116-121. 

46 Harris, Life in an Old English Town, pp. 147,150. 

47 See Pasion Letters, I, 403. Cf. Ibid., Introd., p. cxcvi, et seq.; 
Fabyan, Chronicle, p. 631. 

48 Harris, Story of Coventry, pp. 124-126. 

22 



At the battle of Towton a detachment of Coventry men is 
said to have fought on Henry's side. In 1460, however, the 
zeal of the men of Coventry for the Lancastrian cause seems 
to have abated. This may have been due to the ruthless actions 
of the Queen and the violence of her followers, whose devasta- 
tions, we are told, completely alienated the Coventry bur- 
gesses. 49 The death of Buckingham probably removed one of 
the influences which had been powerful in keeping the Coven- 
try citizens loyal to Henry. 50 Probably there was a Yorkist 
faction in the city which now succeeded in gaining the upper 
hand. Whatever may have been the cause, the fact remains 
that the men of Coventry became for the time being staunch 
followers of Edward, nor is there any record of their having 
been impelled to this course by bribes or promises on the part 
of the King. 51 After the battle of St. Albans £100 was col- 
lected throughout the wards for the men to go to London with 
"the earl of March." On the day after his coronation Edward 
despatched a letter to the mayor and his brethren full of thanks 
for the citizens' loyalty to his cause, praying their "good contin- 
uance in the same," and praising their good and substantial rule." 
At Towton the men of Coventry fought in the Yorkist ranks un- 
der the standard of the "Black Ram." £80 was collected through- 
out the wards for the 100 men "which went with oure soverayn 
liege lord Kyng Edward IIII the to the felde yn the north." 
When Edward returned to his "cite of Coventre from the felde 
yn the North" he was presented with £100 and a cup. In the 
year after Towton £40 was collected to be given to Warwick 
for the payment of forty men that went to the north to resist 
"Kyng Henry and Quene Marget that were." 52 In the years 
that followed Edward is said to have treated the Coventry 
folk graciously, paying them several visits. 53 

The power formerly exercised by the Duke of Buckingham 
in the Midlands now seems to pass to the Earl of Warwick 
who, in 1464, was meddling in the internal affairs of Coventry. 

In 1467 King and King-maker were upon such bad terms that 

49 Ibid, p. 132. 

50 For an illustration of the influence exerted by Buckingham, see 
Paston Letters, I, Introd., p. cxxix. 

51 Cf . Harris, Life in an Old English Town, p. 169 ; Story of Coven- 
try, p. 169. 

52 These facts are taken from the Story of Coventry, pp. 133-134. 

53 Ibid., p. 136. 

23 



we find the former going to Coventry to keep watch upon the 
great Earl. When it came to choosing between Edward and 
Warwick the men of Coventry, like those of the Cinque Ports, 
seem to have preferred to cast in their lot with the powerful 
nobleman who was now plotting Edward's overthrow. 54 In 
the summer of 1469 both the King and Warwick were soliciting 
the aid of the civic authorities ; and, at the command of Ed- 
ward, troops, raised not without difficulty, were sent to the 
north to join the royal forces. Shortly afterwards the people 
of Coventry saw their sovereign a prisoner in the hands of 
Warwick. The men of Coventry found themselves and their 
property between the upper and the nether mill-stones in these 
trying times. In February, 1470, in response to a command 
from Edward money was collected throughout the wards for 
men to go to Grantham. 55 Warwick and Clarence with their 
levies tarried at Coventry while Edward was winning the battle 
of "Losecoat Field." Clarence succeeded in cajoling the 
citizens into a loan of 300 marks, leaving in pledge a handsome 
jewel. 56 When Edward passed through Coventry in pursuit 
of the rebels, forty men joined him, receiving I2d a day for 
their services. 57 "For the citizens of Coventry — provident 
men — afforded help to either party, hoping surely to have their 
reward whichever side might prevail in the end." A proceed- 
ing which was surely most natural under the circumstances; 
such a policy seemed the only one left to the burgesses whereby 
they might avert the ruin which threatened their business and 
their finances. With examples of treachery rife before their 
eyes, the citizens can hardly be condemned for pursuing a 
temporizing policy. Their attitude of seeming double-dealing 
takes on a different light when it is borne in mind that it is 
by no means improbable that parties in the city were pretty 
evenly balanced, the partisans of the White or the Red Rose 
gaining the upper hand for the time being, according as the 
fortunes of Edward or of Warwick were in the ascendant. 
These were times when every "house was divided against it- 
self, and few except the chief actors in the drama sustained 
their part with honesty and consistency." To Margaret and 

™Ibid., pp. 140-141. 

55 Ibid., p. 145. 

56 Ibid., p. 146. 

57 Ibid. 

24 



her cause the men of Coventry showed a commendable loyalty 
till alienated by justifiable reasons. As the war progressed, 
and it became increasingly evident that neither side was con- 
tending for any just principle, small wonder that the citizens 
felt they were justified in making the best terms they could 
with the predominant party. 

The most trying times of all were yet in store for the men 
of Coventry. When Edward began his march southward in 
1471, Warwick retired to Coventry. Here Edward failed to 
dislodge him. 58 The townsfolk lent Warwick 100 marks ; they 
had now burned their bridges behind them, for when Warwick 
departed to give Edward battle twenty horse and twenty foot 
accompanied him and fought at Barnet Field. 59 "Military 
items crowd the years 1469-71, when money flowed like water 
for the pay of soldiers, whose wages rose from the normal 
rate of 6d to I2d a day." 60 If "the Lenton next afore Barnet 
field" had been a season of terrible anxiety to the townsmen, 
what must have been their consternation when they heard of 
the defeat and death of the King-maker! Nothing remained 
for the men of Coventry but to make their peace on the best 
terms possible with the Yorkist King. Accordingly a letter 
from Prince Edward was sent the King as an indication of 
the good- will of the townsfolk. 61 

In May Edward came to Coventry, having crushed Mar- 
garet and her forces at Tewkesbury. Here he remained for 
nearly a week raising new levies, as there were threats of a 
fresh rising of northern Lancastrians. 62 But the rebellion came 
to naught, the "citie of Yorke, and other good townes and 
countryes, lowly submittinge them." Edward left Coventry 
for London on May 16. But before setting out, unmindful of 
the costs and burdens of the citizens in his behalf, he avenged 
himself upon the city in summary fashion for having taken 
the wrong side in the campaign ending at Barnet. The mayor 
was deprived of the civic sword, the liberties and franchises 
of the city seized, and the charter suspended until redeemed 
by a fine of 500 marks. 63 Thus did the citizens experience "the 

58 Arrivall of King Edward IV, p. 13. 

59 Harris, Story of Coventry, pp. 150-151. 

60 Coventry Leet Book, Pt. IV, Introd., p. xlvi. 

61 Harris, Story of Coventry, p. 152. 

62 Arrivall of King Edward IV, pp. 31-33. 

63 Whitby, Parliamentary Representation of the City of Coventry, 
pp. 27-28. 

25 



hevy greffe that our souveraign lord beer to the citee . . . 
ffor the tyme that Richard, late Erie of Warwyke, with oder 
to hym then acompanyed, kept the citee in defence agenst his 
Royall highness in the Lenton next afore Barnett field." 64 

Looking back over the long period of twenty years during 
which their city had been so frequently drawn into the conflict 
between selfish princes and nobles, the townsmen could see 
as a result of that struggle nothing but disordered finances and 
ruined trade. In support of the Yorkist cause alone the town 
had raised ^320 and put 180 men in the field. Even more un- 
grudgingly had the city given proof of its loyalty to Margaret 
until by her own violence she had alienated the good-will of 
the townsfolk. Neither Margaret nor Edward nor Warwick 
seems to have felt any concern on account of the hardships 
that befell the town or to have shown a spark of sympathy 
with the burghers in the trying circumstances in which they 
found themselves. To Margaret and to Edward alike the city 
was merely a storehouse from which men and money could be 
obtained for the furtherance of their own dynastic aims. It 
has been a general impression that the Wars of the Roses did 
little harm to the towns. Such a notion finds a striking refuta- 
tion in the case of Coventry, whose finances were sadly disor- 
ganized by the active participation of the city government in 
the civil broils of the time. 65 Nor was Coventry the only 
borough which suffered in this respect. 

Our knowledge of the history of Norwich during the strug- 
gle between Lancaster and York is provokingly meagre. From 
the influence of the Mowbrays it would be inferred that Nor- 
folk was Yorkist in its sympathies ; on the other hand it would 
seem the county did not take any active part in the party con- 
flicts of the time. So far as the city itself was concerned, its 
leanings were probably towards the house of Lancaster. But 
as in the case of Coventry bad times had overtaken the cit- 
izens; city politics had been in a state of turmoil for years 
before the outbreak of civil war; while from one cause and 
another poverty and exhaustion were making themselves felt 
among the townsfolk. In 1452 the Queen visited Norwich 
among other cities, endeavouring to make what friends she 

64 Harris, Life in an Old English Town, p. 172. See also Camden 
Miscellany (C. S.), I, 25. 

65 See Harris, Story of Coventry, pp. 135-139. 

26 



could against the stormy times which were at hand. The 
commons resolved to advance ioo marks as a loan to the 
King; the aldermen on their part made her a present of £40, 
which was raised to ioo marks by the commons, who in addi- 
tion added iio for the King's brothers. The result was that 
the King had in all 200 marks of the citizens. The considera- 
tion for the gift was a new charter confirming all the old liber- 
ties of the citizens and granting them several new ones. To 
ingratiate herself with the city, Margaret had the charter con- 
sented to in full parliament. It was dated at Westminster, 
17th of March, 30th Henry VI. The mayor, recorder, and 
all such aldermen as had borne the office of mayor were to be 
justices of the peace for the city and county, the said. justices 
being empowered to enquire of all things belonging to the of- 
fice of justice of the peace; the aldermen were permitted to 
elect the under-sheriff, town clerks, and sheriff's bailiffs. 66 
In 1460, another commission, bearing date of June 3rd, com- 
manded the mayor to make immediate proclamation through 
all the city and suburbs, that all the King's subjects should 
repair to him well armed upon pain of forfeiture. The mayor 
and aldermen accordingly raised forty armed men, and the 
commons eighty. At his earnest request, William Rookwood, 
Esq., was made their captain. An agreement was made with 
the men at sixpence a day for each soldier who went to the 
assistance of the King. Henry wrote the authorities a letter 
of thanks which contained the request that they would main- 
tain them for one month longer, which was readily complied 
with. 67 

A letter from King Edward IV, however, commanded the 
townsmen to proclaim him by the name of King Edward; and 
that all persons of what degree so ever between sixteen and 
sixty years of age should arm themselves in a defensible man- 
ner and hasten to him with all possible speed. Nothing was 
left for the citizens to do but to submit, since it would have 
been folly for the city to hold out against the Yorkist King 
now that Henry was powerless to render them aid. Accord- 
ingly Edward was proclaimed King and assigned a competent 
number of soldiers. A great quantity of provisions was also 
provided, for which the moiety of a whole tenth was assessed 

es Blomefield, Norfolk, III, 158-159- 
67 Ibid., Ill, 162. 

27 



throughout the city. It is interesting to note that the town's 
captain and his 120 soldiers were still with King Henry in 
the north parts of the kingdom. 68 To ingratiate himself with 
the townsmen, who sympathized with the fallen Henry, Edward 
confirmed all the former charters of the city by inspeximus, 
wherein they are recited at large. This was done at the re- 
quest of the citizens, and is another instance of the eagerness 
of the Yorkist monarch to win the favour of the towns. The 
charter is dated at Westminster, February 10, 1461. 69 In 1469 
the King was at Norwich and was grandly received. 70 Two 
years later, however, Edward avoided landing on the Norfolk 
coast, since he received no assurances of a friendly reception. 
Probably if left to its own inclination, the city of Norwich 
would have adhered to the cause of Lancaster; from this at- 
titude it was prevented by fear of incurring the wrath of Ed- 
ward, when his fortunes were in the ascendant. 

We have now surveyed the part played by five of the leading 
boroughs of England in the Wars of the Roses, each town 
representing a different portion of the realm. It is apparent, 
from the foregoing account, that the general impression that 
the more flourishing centers of trade and industry steadily 
favoured the cause of Edward, must be modified in certain 
important particulars. Of these, London, as we have seen, 
while containing adherents of both the Red and the White 
Rose, practically decided the contest in favor of Edward "who 
had found good friends in London" ; for had the capital of the 
kingdom held out against the supporters of the house of York, 
the efforts of the Duke of York and of Edward to oust the 
house of Lancaster must have ended in failure. The city of 
York likewise contained followers of both of the rival factions ; 
nor is this surprising when we consider the influence wielded 
by the great families of the north, some of whom favoured 
York, while others remained loyal to the cause of Henry and 
of Margaret. A portion of the burgesses of Bristol sided 
with the house of York, but as has been shown, this flourish; 
ing centre of commerce and industry had its Lancastrian sym- 
pathizers also. On the whole the attitude of Bristol was not 
decisive one way or the other, so far as the fortunes of the 

GS Ibid., 163; Cf. Patent Rolls, 1461-1467, p. 67. 
ea Blomefield, Norfolk, III, 166. 
™ Ibid., 167. 

28 



conflict were concerned. Its location, together with the fact 
that its citizens were engrossed in profitable business enter- 
prises, rendered the town comparatively free from the evils of 
civil strife. Coventry and to a less degree Norwich were con- 
spicuous for their efforts in behalf of the Lancastrian cause, 
though the former partly of its own volition and partly from 
force of circumstances rendered aid to the Yorkist cause also, 
The leaders of both parties showed, as we have seen, them- 
selves keenly alive to the necessity of winning the support 
of the burgher class. Evidence of this is to be observed not 
only in the case of the towns whose history has just been con- 
sidered, but is to be seen also in the case of those smaller 
boroughs which found themselves drawn into the civil conflict. 
In a few instances we find the governing officials and the body 
of townsmen consistently adhering to one side or the other 
throughout the struggle. As has been intimated already, the 
leaders in the conflict were actuated by no consistent set of 
principles, and it is hardly surprising in view of all the circum- 
stances to find the townsmen governed in their attitude to a 
great extent by motives of expediency. 



29 



CHAPTER IV 

Lincoln, Colchester, Southampton, 
Newcastle-upon-Tyne 

Of all parts of England, Lincolnshire is perhaps the one 
in which the Nevilles had least interest and following, since 
the great estates of the shire belonged to the duchy of Lan- 
caster and to the supporters of Henry VI. It is natural 
therefore to suppose the region was hostile to Edward IV. 
Prominent among those who incurred the enmity of Edward 
were Lord Welles and his son, Sir Robert Welles, both of 
whom were executed for being involved in the rising in Lin- 
colnshire in the early spring of 1470, in which the Duke of 
Clarence and Earl of Warwick were both implicated. 1 The 
army defeated under Sir Robert in the action near Stamford 
was in all likelihood recruited partly in the city of Lincoln. 
The city was therefore presumably Lancastrian in sympathy 
and, in the absence of evidence to the contrary, was in all 
probability attached to the cause of the Red Rose. Evidence is 
lacking to support the statements of those writers who refer 
to the devotion manifested by the city to the house of Lan- 
caster. The town is said to have suffered much in the course 
of the struggle between the rival factions. To the honour of 
the townsmen they refused to espouse the cause of Edward 
after he had granted them, by way of a bribe, no doubt, many 
privileges unenjoyed before. When he visited the city in 
March, 1461, on his way to Towton, naturally he was re- 
ceived with honour by the townsfolk. By order of the mayor 
and corporation, twelve pike, twelve tench, and twelve bream 
were allotted to the King's table during his stay in the city. 
On August 23, 1463, Edward signed letters patent acquitting 
the city from payment of £100, part of the fee-farm rent of 
£180, and in February, 1466, he granted the mayor, Thomas 
Grantham, and citizens, in relief of the desolation which 
had come upon the city, the four villages of Bramstone, Wad- 

1 See Camden Miscellany, Vol. I. 

30 



yngton, Bracebrigge, and Camwick, and a large number of quit- 
rents paid to the Crown for various houses in the city, many of 
which had formerly belonged to Jews. 2 

On the other hand the loyalty of the townsmen may have 
been due in part to the fact that the city of Lincoln had re- 
ceived marks of favour from three Lancastrian kings in a sub- 
stantial manner; for each of the Henries had granted the 
townsmen charters. Henry IV commanded the judges of 
assize in Lincolnshire to permit the mayor and citizens of 
Lincoln to enjoy without interruption the liberty of trial of 
causes formerly granted to the mayor and bailiffs; the city 
moreover was permitted to acquire lands, tenements, and rents 
to the annual value of £120, while the citizens were excused 
from all payments of tenths and fifteenths for forty years. 
From this it may be inferred as in the case of Norwich that 
Lincoln was by no means the flourishing borough that it had 
been at the beginning of the century. Indeed there were said 
to be scarcely 200 citizens in the city, to such an extent had 
the place suffered from pestilence, the withdrawal of mer- 
chants, and the evils consequent upon civil war. Though this 
may be an exaggeration, it is evident that Lincoln was no 
longer the important town it had been at the beginning of 
the century. 3 It was not to be expected therefore that the 
citizens should be able to render either side effective support. 

"Yorkist Colchster" is the designation given to this borough 
by one writer, yet there is no record of any active part taken 
by the town in the Wars of the Roses. There are reasons, 
however, for believing the townsmen sympathized with the 
house of York in its struggle with Lancaster. At the time of 
the insurrection of Cade, it will be recalled that Colchester was 
one of the cities to which "a quarter of oon Niclas Jakes 
atteint of high treason" was to be sent. In the county of 
Essex, however, were to be found many Lancastrian lords and 
retainers. More pertinent in its bearing upon the attitude of 
the town is the fact that Henry VI deprived the borough of 
its most valuable privileges, the Fishery of the Colne, and 
bestowed it upon his favourite, John de Vere, the Earl of 
Oxford. On the other hand Edward IV granted the towns- 
men the fullest charter they had ever had. This charter which 

2 Cf. Sympson, Lincoln, pp. 99-100. 

3 Ibid. 

31 



amounts to a "reorganization of the constitution of the cor- 
poration" is in part as follows: "Considering that the burgh 
of Colchester was one of the ancientest burghs in the kingdom 
of England, that it was situated near the seacoasts, to oppose 
the attempts of his enemies that were disposed to invade the 
kingdom, and remembering the very great faithfulness and 
loyalty of the burgesses of that burgh, both to himself and 
his predecessors, Kings of England," all previous charters were 
confirmed, and it was granted also that the bailiffs and bur- 
gesses and their successors consisting of two bailiffs and one 
commonalty, should forever be one perpetual body and com- 
monalty, incorporated by the name of the bailiffs and com- 
monalty of the burgh of Colchester, and that the bailiffs should 
hold, in the Moothall, a court every week, on Monday and 
Thursdays; that a common council shall be elected, besides 
other considerable privileges. No person was allowed to re- 
main within the precincts of the town forty days without 
taking the oath of fealty to Edward. 4 As to the influence 
exerted by the great families of the county in explaining the 
preference of the citizens of Colchester for the Yorkist cause, 
little can be said. If the de Veres were Lancastrian, the 
Bourchiers threw the weight of their powerful family connec- 
tion in favour of Edward. With Colchester our survey of the 
more important boroughs in the Wars of the Roses is con- 
cluded, for there is no record of Lynn having had any share 
in the civil strife of the period. 

We may now turn our attention to the group of average 
middle-sized boroughs. The population of most of these ranged 
perhaps from 1500 to 5000, though here again it should be 
borne in mind that nothing more is attempted than to indicate 
roughly the relative size of the different towns which were 
concerned in the Wars of the Roses. As has been seen, no 
relation exists between the size of a particular borough and 
its activities in the civil strife of the period ; for local causes, 
such as the influence of neighboring magnates, or the strategic 
location of a town might bring it about that a place of rela- 
tively small size played a much more important role in the poli- 
tics of the time than one of relatively greater population and 
wealth. Instances of this have already been noted, and fur- 

4 Red Paper Book of Colchester, p. 4; Charters of Colchester, 
p. 46. 

32 



ther illustrations of the same fact will be given below. Al- 
ready in the fifteenth century we meet with indications of the 
decay in wealth and population of certain boroughs, and it is 
well known how general a complaint arises in this connection 
in the succeeding century, though it would seem the evidence 
for the decay of towns in the time of Henry VIII by no means 
justifies the gloomy picture that has been drawn of the condi- 
tion of the towns of that period. Inasmuch as agriculture 
was the dominant form of industry in the English medieval 
boroughs, and if, as we are assured, agriculture remained sta- 
tionary during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, then it can 
readily be seen why the inland towns of England made rela- 
tively such slow gains in the period between the reign of the 
third Edward and the close of the fifteenth century. On the 
other hand, towns which were favourably situated for pur- 
poses of commerce would reap the benefits of increased trade 
relations with foreign countries, as was the case with Bristol 
and some of the southeastern ports. Southampton, for in- 
stance, which ranked among the smaller boroughs of the realm 
at the time of the subsidy of 1377, had by the middle of the 
fifteenth century become one of the most important commercial 
centers in the realm. 

Naturally the reputed treasures of the great southern port 
were coveted by the rival claimants to the throne. In the case 
of Southampton, as in that of Coventry, the struggle between 
York and Lancaster spelled ruin for the municipal finances. 
What with the demands made upon them by the Lancastrian 
lords on the one side, and by Edward upon the other, the town 
government was sorely perplexed at the disaster which threat- 
ened their city's prosperity. Surely little love must have been 
lost upon the leaders of either the White or of the Red Rose 
faction by the merchants of Southampton; for whichever side 
the townsfolk favoured, they were likely to regret it. Edward 
IV, with his characteristic policy of winning to his side the 
more important boroughs, visited Southampton in the autumn 
of 1461. The King received a pipe of wine as a present from 
the town and, what was of more consequence, for the towns- 
men, he granted them a new charter in which mention is made 
of "the faithful and laudable submission with which they (i.e. 
the townsmen) have shewn themselves hitherto grateful in 
all things to us and to our ancestors . . . and especially ready 

33 



in late years for the expenses, costs, labours, burdens, and 
perils, and these not small" . . . The hope is expressed that 
the citizens "will be more strongly and effectually bound to 
pay to us and our heirs similar gratitude for the future, and 
will show themselves more ready to serve us according to their 
income." 5 In April, 1470, the King was again at Southamp- 
ton. Among other expenses incurred by the commonalty were 
those for presents and for entertainments for Lord Scales and 
other notables. This entry occurs among the town records: 
"Item, payde to Watkyn Latham, towne clerke of this towne, 
the XXI J day of May, when he rode wt the kyng to Chichester 
to have a wrytyng of the money pt the kyng had granted to 
the towne." The reason why the King had made a grant to 
the town is not stated; most probably it was a token of Ed- 
ward's gratitude for the services rendered him by the bur- 
gesses. Another entry which is more significant reads as fol- 
lows: "Item, payde to the sowdyers that were sent to the 
kyng into the northe countrey by the town; when they were 
come home agen they asked alowaunse, and the maire by the 
assent and avysement of his brethren in the churche of Holy 
Rodes allowed them XXVp VIIJ d ." 6 If they could have had 
their own way no doubt the majority of the burghers of South- 
ampton, like those of Bristol, would have preferred to hold 
aloof from the strife of the warring factions, reaping the re- 
wards of their prosperous foreign trade and fighting out their 
own civic battles over the election of a mayor or some other 
matter of internal polity. From the evidence presented above 
it is reasonably clear that the men of Southampton favoured 
the cause of Edward, nor is there any reason for believing that 
their allegiance was entirely a matter of compulsion. The 
same motives which led Canynges and the more prominent 
merchants of Bristol to side with the Yorkists would likely 
prevail with the traders of the great southern port. Moreover 
Southampton, in common with the southeastern ports of 
the realm, would feel a keener interest than inland towns in 
the foreign policy of the Crown and would be more directly 
affected by the loss of England's foreign possessions. There 
was nothing in Henry VI's hapless foreign policy to enlist 

5 Gidden, Charters of the Borough of Southampton, I, 101. 

6 Quoted by Davies, History of Southampton, p. 472. 

34 



either the enthusiasm or the support of the burghers of South- 
ampton in behalf of the Lancastrian cause. 

If Southampton was firm in its friendship for Edward IV, it 
is not so clear that such was the case with Newcastle-upon- 
Tyne; for this town, like York, was disciplined by Edward 
for containing those hostile to his cause. 7 "We have people I 
know here," wrote John Paston the younger. 8 On the other 
hand, the men of Newcastle, in 1463, repulsed a Lancastrian 
attack without help, and seem to have denied Queen Margaret 
admission the year before. In this same year the mayor and 
burgesses were among the recipients of some of the forfeited 
estates of the third earl of Northumberland who fell at Towton, 
obtaining from the Crown the manor of Byker. Four years 
later Edward confirmed the charters and privileges of the 
townsmen. 9 From this it may be inferred that the men of 
Newcastle sided with Edward or else that he desired to gain 
their good will by the favours bestowed upon them. 

7 Whethamstede, I, 411. 

8 Paston Letters, II, 121. 

9 Welford, History of Newcastle and Gateshead in the 14th and 15th 
Centuries, pp. 345, 349, 356. 



CHAPTER V 

Hull, Gloucester, Exeter 

The assertion that the boroughs were actuated solely by self- 
interest in the wars of the Roses and were swayed by no sen- 
timent of loyalty, finds a striking refutation in the case of 
Hull, whose citizens from first to last remained devoted to 
the cause of the Red Rose. The town of Hull was beholden 
to Henry VI for proofs of that monarch's favour, and on its 
part continued firm and unshaken in its fidelity to him. "Yet 
for all that to the eternal honour of this town, it would for- 
sake neither him nor his, but stood upon their guard in de- 
fense of him to the last." Nor was the loyalty of the towns- 
men confined to empty words; for, as will be seen, both 
magistrates and inhabitants gave unequivocal proofs of their 
gratitude and loyalty to Henry VI. In the 18th year of his 
reign the corporation of Hull received its present form of 
municipal government ; at the same time the King constituted 
the town with its precincts a county of itself. By another 
charter of the same year, bearing date of July 2d, still further 
privileges and dignities were granted the governing bodies. 1 
The favour shown Hull by the Crown may have been due to 
the influence of the powerful Duke of Suffolk. In September, 
1454, the year before the actual outbreak of hostilities, Henry 
VI was "most joyfully and royally received and entertained 
with all the satisfaction, splendour and demonstration of that 
hearty loyalty" of which the townsfolk were capable, 2 though 
of itself this proves nothing as to the attitude of the town. 
In 1460 the whole town was put in a posture of defence by 
Richard Hanson, the loyalist mayor. He formed two or 
three strong troops of the best men of the town and country 
and joined the Queen before she reached Sandal castle. In 
the battle of Wakefield-green, the brave mayor of Hull, after 
having distinguished himself by his intrepidity and valour, fell 

1 Merewether and Stephens, Boroughs, II, 861, 869. 

2 Ms. British Museum, Lansd., 890. 

36 



covered with wounds in the moment in which victory was 
declaring itself for his party. 3 At the battle of Towton, the 
blood of the men of Hull in all probability flowed freely on 
Henry's side. Nor did the townsmen neglect any opportunity 
after this defeat of their royal master of promoting Henry's 
cause. In 1464 after the capture of Bamborough castle by 
the Yorkists, Henry VI marched towards Hull, expecting no 
doubt to secure the town to his interests. But Edward was 
too quick for him, and, coming unexpectedly to Barton upon 
Humber, he entered Hull "which was mightily inclined to King 
Henry," thus preventing the latter from reaping the fruits he 
might otherwise have expected from the gratitude of the in- 
habitants. These Edward is said to have summoned to attend 
him at York, having put a strong garrison in the place, since 
he knew how favourably inclined the townsmen were to the 
cause of his rival. 4 "But what could any people do, when two 
kings reigned in one kingdom?" There is no record of any 
manifestation of joy at Edward's visit, for the townsmen seem 
to have continued firm in their affection for Henry. As a 
result partly of the expenses incurred in his behalf, the town 
found itself encumbered with a heavy debt. To liquidate it, the 
market cross, a large and stately structure, was pulled down, and 
a vast amount of lead, with which it was covered, was sold by 
weight and paid for in specie. The building had been founded 
by a former mayor, Robert Holm, who also provided the lead. 5 
In 1470 Henry VI was restored to the "incredible joy of this 
town, which was a constant lover of King Henry." But the 
season of joy was brief, for the very next year Edward landed 
at Ravenspur. 

The citizens of Hull furnish a striking exception to the as- 
sertions generally made by writers that the Wars of the Roses 
fail to afford an illustration of townsmen being actuated by 
any principle of loyalty in their adherence to one side or the 
other. Aware of Hull's partiality for Lancaster, Edward pro- 
ceeded to the eastward in his march upon Beverley, taking no 
chances of being refused admittance into the town, for he 
found "all this part of the country very much averse to his title, 
and perfectly easy under Henry's government." 6 Warwick is 



3 Ibid. 
* Ibid. 

5 Ibid. 

6 Ibid. 

37 



said to have sent strict orders to Hull not to admit Edward 
upon any pretext whatever ; the result was that Edward, know- 
ing the disposition of the inhabitants and their determination 
to defend the town against him, made no attempt upon the 
place. From the foregoing it is evident that the men of Hull 
were deeply concerned in the fortunes of the Lancastrian 
monarchy. Grateful for the favours accorded their town by 
the Crown, the inhabitants never wavered in their loyalty to 
Henry, but ungrudgingly gave their blood and treasure in his 
behalf. Nor is there any evidence whatever that a rival party 
existed in the town ; on the contrary, the governing authorities 
and the townsmen seem to have been a unit in their opposition 
to the house of York. In these times when self-seeking, heart- 
lessness, and treachery were the qualities which shone so con- 
spicuously among the rival leaders, it is refreshing to find the 
citizens of this northern town actuated so largely by a senti- 
ment of loyalty and patriotism. 

The town of Gloucester lay in a region which, on the whole, 
was well affected to the Yorkist cause. With one exception, 
however, the place does not seem to have been concerned in 
the factional strife of the times. This was in 1471 when the 
Lancastrians under Margaret were planning to march into 
Wales; but she learned "that the towne of Gloucester was 
firme and fast to duke Richerd, King Edward's brother." 7 
For the place was held by Richard Beauchamp, the governor, 
secure in the interests of the King. She was thus forced to 
march to Tewkesbury, though there were those in the town 
that could have been well contented that the Queen should have 
been received. 8 The "quene, and the lords with her, had good 
intelligence with diverse in the towne, so as they were put in 
great hope to have entred the same ; whereupon they travelled 
their people right sore all that night and morning, coming 
before the towne of Gloucester upon the Fridaie about ten of 
the clocke. And when they perceived that they were disap- 
pointed of their purpose, they were highlie therewith dis- 
pleased ; for they knew verie well, that diverse within the 
towne bore their good willes towards them." 9 So ended the at- 
tempt of Margaret before Gloucester. Had she been enabled 

7 Polydore Vergil, p. 151. 

8 Arrivall of King Edward IV, p. 27. 

9 Quoted by Fosbrooke, History of Gloucester, pp. 45, 46. 

38 



to gain admission into the town, it might have been used as a 
base for procuring recruits from Cheshire and Lancashire. 

Though the southwestern counties did not witness much of 
the military action of the time, bearing quietly their share of the 
common burden, yet the extreme west and north are the two 
regions which have been commonly represented as the mainstay 
of the cause of Margaret and her husband. 10 A majority of 
the landholders in Somerset, Cornwall, and Devon were ad- 
herents of the Red Rose faction though even in this region 
the Yorkist cause was not destitute of supporters. The 
Courtenays, staunch Lancastrians, possessed extensive estates 
in Devon and Cornwall, "districts presumably primitive and 
ignorant." The Beauforts could always count upon a follow- 
ing in this section of the country. According to one account, 
"the heart both of city and shire of Devon was on the Lan- 
castrian side, but the wise men of Exeter always knew how 
to stand well with the powers that were." 11 Another writer 
affirms that "no city gave stronger proofs of attachment to his 
(i.e. Henry's) cause than Exeter"; 12 but this statement is not 
justified by what we know of the history of Exeter during this 
period, and it overlooks the important services rendered the 
Lancastrian cause by such places as Coventry and Hull. In- 
deed at a later period the citizens seem to have been divided 
in their attachment to the two claimants of the Crown. On 
the whole, however, it is fair to say, the men of Exeter evinced 
a greater partiality for the cause of Henry than for that of 
Edward. 

In 145 1 Henry VI had spent eight days among the townsmen 
renewing their charters. Four years later, however, the city 
received Lord William Bonville, to which no significance 
would be attached but for the fact that he was the antagonist 
of Thomas Courtenay, Earl of Devon, between whom and the 
citizens of Exeter no love was lost. "And the civil war be- 
tween the houses did then begin to break out, and no wonder 
the city of Exeter opened its gates to the Lord Bonville, for 
the Duke of York had at that time all the power in his hands, 
and no doubt the city favoured those of the prevailing side. 13 

10 Cf. Stubbs, Const. Hist., Ill, 186. 

11 Freeman, Exeter, p. 191. 

12 Oliver, History of the City of Exeter, p. 68. 

13 Quoted by Rogers, Strife of the Roses in the Days of the Tudors, 
p. 49. 

39 



This, however, is mere conjecture for there is nothing to in- 
dicate the preference of the citizens of Exeter for the White 
Rose, unless their hostility to their former lords, the Earls of 
Devon, would lead them to espouse the cause of York. More to 
the point is the fact that in 1460 the inhabitants cheerfully 
raised at the solicitation of the Queen a large sum of money 
by voluntary contribution, and levied 31 soldiers for her use. 
These they armed and maintained at their own expense, and 
sent them, with the money, to the Queen's army, accompanied 
by a messenger to assure her of their steadfast loyalty to the 
King and their readiness to assist him to the utmost of their 
power. 14 The leanings of the city of Exeter towards Henry 
were not unknown to Edward. In 1461 and 1466 he granted 
charters to the Tailor's Company, possibly thus endeavouring 
to win the good will of the trading classes that had no share 
in the town government. 15 In 1463 Edward granted the city 
fresh franchises and powers. On Saturday, the 14th of April, 
1470, the city was visited by Edward, who was hot in pursuit 
of Clarence and Warwick ; he refrained, we are told, from mak- 
ing manifest his anger at the citizens' behaviour. This did 
not prevent the mayor and citizens from filing out of the city 
to Liverydole to meet the King. At East Gate the mayor 
handed the King the keys and maces ; and at the Guildhall he 
was presented with a purse of 100 nobles in gold, which, it is 
needless to add, Edward did not refuse. More than once the 
city of Exeter was used by the Lancastrian party as the base 
of operations. In 1470 the city received within its walls sev- 
eral of the leaders of that party, fleeing before Edward. The 
following year Margaret after landing upon the southwest 
coast marched to Exeter. Here she was joined by the Duke 
of Somerset and the. Earl of Devon who set up the standard 
of King Henry. Sir Hugh Courtenay of Powderham, Sir 
John Arundel with the principal men of Devon and Cornwall 
joined them with almost the whole power of the two coun- 
ties. 16 The Earl and the Duke "sent alabout in Somarsetshire, 
Dorsetshire, and a part of Wiltshire, to arays the people by a 
certain day. And for that they would gather and arays up the 
power of Devonshire and Cornewaile, they drew from thence 

14 Jenkins, History and Description of the City of Exeter, p. 79. 

15 Gross, Gild Merchant, I, 124, note 2. 

16 Arrivall of King Edward IV, p. 23. 

40 



more westward to the Citie of Excestar," . . . gathering "the 
hable men of those parts." Naturally such proceedings drew 
upon the inhabitants of Exeter the ill will of Edward. "The 
King having gotten the victory over all his enemies bethinck- 
eth hymself nowe upon suche as were adversaries or had suc- 
cored and taken pte with theym and being advertyzed both of 
succors and monyes geven and contributed unto them out of 
this citie waxed very angrye, and was of the mynde to have 
benne revenged thereof untill he was advertyzed and pacy- 
fied." 17 From the foregoing account it is tolerably clear that 
the town of Exeter favoured the cause of Henry, nor is there 
any reason for believing that such assistance as was rendered 
the Lancastrian faction was not on the whole a matter of 
their own free choice. This was no doubt true both of the 
governing officials and of the townsmen as a whole. Situated 
in a region which contained may adherents of the Red Rose 
faction, it is not surprising that the inhabitants of the chief 
city of these parts should have espoused the Lancastrian cause. 
On the whole the county of Nottinghamshire is said to have 
favoured the Yorkists, though many of the county nobles were 
Lancastrian. Prominent among these were Thomas, Lord 
Ross, the lord of Orston, and Sir Gervase Clifton, both of 
whom paid with their lives for their devotion to the cause of 
Henry. Nottingham occupied a strategic position; its castle 
was a station of the highest importance from a military stand- 
point and was a frequent rendezvous of Edward IV. Here he 
first rallied his forces, holding a court, it is said, for the pur- 
pose of affording an opportunity to the nobility and gentle- 
men of the district to render him their honour and support. 18 
In spite of this, however, we are informed that the town of 
Nottingham sided with Henry VI at first. "They stood by 
him so long as the triumph of the rebels was doubtful, but no 
sooner were the fortunes of Edward the Fourth in the ascendant 
than by gifts out of their treasure and little detachments of 
their militia they testified to a new loyalty, and thus obtained 
the renewal of their charter and a reduction of their ferm 
for twenty years, 'to have a reward to the town of Notting- 
ham for the great cost and burdens, and loss of their goods 

17 Cotton and Woolcombe, Gleanings from the Records of the City of 
Exeter, pp. 17, 18. 

18 Bailey, Annals of Nottinghamshire , I, 328-332. 

41 



that they have sustained by reason of those services.' " 19 The 
date of the renewal of the charter is 1462. A contingent from 
Nottingham under their banner "the George," had fought in 
the Yorkist ranks at Towton. 20 In 1464 the townsmen ordered 
off a little troop in red jackets with white letters sewn on 
them to join the King at York. "The Coste of Makyng of 
Jackettes to S(au)deours ridying to the Kyng to Yorke," is 
one of the entries which occurs in the town records. Also 
the following one: "Item paied for IX. yerdes of rede clothe 
to make jackettes of the saudeurs ; price of a y(er)de, IXd-56s 
3d." 21 In the fall of 1470 when Edward heard of the landing 
of Warwick, he hastened with his followers to Nottingham, 
according to one account, to collect what forces he could. When 
Edward landed in 1471, he refrained from proclaiming himself 
King till he had reached his old haunt of Nottingham Castle. 
Collecting all the forces possible he marched out of the town 
"amidst the cheers of the assembled populace." Nor was 
this all; for the townsmen are recorded to have spent some 
i6o for "loans for soldiers" and liveries, besides many other 
costs. 22 Whatever may have been the motives that lay behind 
the support rendered Edward by the men of Nottingham, the 
fact remains that they rendered his cause effective aid. As 
noted above, we are told the burghers "stood by Henry the 
Sixth," until supplanted by his rival; but there is no record 
of any material help afforded the Lancastrian King. If the 
preferences of the men of Nottingham were for the Lancas- 
trian dynasty, they failed to give any effective demonstrations 
of loyalty. The mere presence of Edward and the desire to 
merit his favour seem to have been sufficient to induce the 
townsmen to support the party that happened for the time 
being to be in the ascendant. But the assertion that this 
Vicar of Bray-like attitude is just what every other town in 
England did throughout the Wars of the Roses is, as we have 
seen, too sweeping a statement and is not warranted by what 
we know of the attitude of some of the boroughs during the 
period of civil strife. And even in the case of Nottingham, 
it seems not a little curious that, in spite of the weather-vane 

19 Nottingham Records, III, 414, 416. Cf. Green, Town Life, II, 330. 

20 Archaeologia, XXIX, 346. 

21 Nottingham Records, II, 2>77- 

22 Ibid. 

42 



attitude attributed to the townsmen, we find them invariably 
siding with the Yorkists. 

As was the case with most of the counties of England, 
Leicestershire was divided in its allegiance between the two 
rival parties. The capital of the county has been referred to 
as "a famous Lancastrian fortress," though it would be a 
mistake to infer from this that the men of Leicestershire 
were staunch adherents of the house of Lancaster. It is true 
a faction seems to have favoured the Red Rose. 23 In 1450 
Parliament was adjourned to Leicester, and nine years later 
Henry summoned his nobility and gentry to meet him there. 24 
But Leicester was situated in that region of England, — the 
Midlands — in which it has been represented by some writers 
that the majority of the citizens and freeholders were ardent 
Yorkists, — by others, and this is more probable, that the two 
parties were fairly balanced — though a different impression 
might be obtained from the coloured maps in certain secondary 
authorities which so nicely parcel off the realm of England 
between the two rival factions. 25 The impression derived 
from most writers that the towns were slightly affected by 
the strife between the Lancastrian and Yorkist leaders and 
their retainers seems to find another exception in the case of 
Leicester. Equally exaggerated is the assertion that during 
the bloody civil commotions of the period, Leicester and many 
other places were drained of their young men to serve in the 
wars. Be that as it may, there is no lack of evidence to show 
that Leicester was deeply concerned in the politics of the time. 
At the very commencement of the reign of Edward IV, the 
mayor and burgesses are found exerting themselves in behalf 
of the Yorkist cause ; and that too in spite of the fact that we 
are assured the house of Lancaster's protection had been af- 
forded the people of Leicester for a long time, though the 
townsmen now found it convenient to forget the benefits 
which the town is said to have derived from some of the 
members of the Lancastrian family. The earls and dukes of 
that family had moreover been frequent visitors at the castle, 
and had furthermore given evidence of their good will for 
the townsmen by numerous awards of lands and privileges. 

23 Cf. Thompson, History of Leicester, pp. 182, 188. 

24 Chronicles of the White Rose, Introd., pp. xxiii, lxviii. 

25 An exception should be made of the map to be found in Vickers, 
England in the Later Middle Ages. 

43 



At this time the corporation is said to have held the bailiwick 
of the town under a lease from Queen Margaret. But as 
indicated above, not all the inhabitants of the borough were 
guilty of such ingratitude. The Lancastrian cause had its par- 
tisans in the borough, who showed so little policy as to refuse 
to attend the musters of the Yorkist mayor ; they even went 
so far as to entrench themselves in their houses and to bar 
the doors rather than "ride against" the new King, "the dire 
foe of the ancient and popular house of Lancaster." So it 
was in vain that the mayor strove to compel all the inhabitants 
to attend the Common Hall and fall into his gathering. 26 
From this it appears that the men of Leicester had not acquired 
the policy of double-dealing in which the burghers of the period 
are said to have been so proficient, otherwise we should hardly 
find a faction in the town continuing to adhere to Henry when 
so much pressure was being brought to bear upon his partisans 
to forsake his cause. Among the motives which no doubt 
must be taken into account in explaining the partiality of the 
townsmen for Edward is the local influence and authority 
exerted by Sir William Hastings. The men who were brought 
together in 1470 by Lord Hastings at Leicester were largely 
composed, it seems, of his immediate dependents and friends 
living in the county. 27 

Edward on his part was not slow to recognize and reward 
the allegiance of the burgesses. In 1462 the Yorkist King 
was a visitor at the castle ; his coming, it may be presumed, 
was due to his desire to cultivate the good will of the inhab- 
itants. On May 15th of this year at the instance of Robert 
Rawlett, the mayor, and Thomas Green and John Roberds, 
the two parliamentary representatives of the borough, Edward 
granted the inhabitants 20 marks yearly for twenty years from 
the previous Michaelmas. What is more to the point, the 
grant was made "in consideration of the good and faithful and 
unpaid services which the mayor and burgesses of our town 
of Leicester have cheerfully rendered of late in our behalf 
against our enemies hostilely raising war against us, as also of 
the heavy burdens of their no small losses incurred touching 
such business of ours." 28 In a word, the grant is for the 

26 Cf . Thompson, History of Leicester, p. 188. 

27 Ibid., p. 194. 

28 Bateson, Records of the Borough of Leicester, 1, Pt. II, 373. 

44 



services which the men of Leicester rendered Edward IV 
against his enemies. Two years later in an act of resumption 
of grants, there was a clause for saving the grant of 20 marks 
to the town of Leicester. The borough continued to be the 
recipient of the marks of Edward's favour. A charter bearing 
date of April 2, 1463, granted the corporation the license of 
holding an annual fair in the month of May. The fair was 
to be held three days before and three days after the feast of 
St Philip and of St. James yearly forever ; the profits, govern- 
ment, and liberties appertaining to the same fair were to belong 
to the mayor and corporation. 29 In the summer of 1464 a 
further important grant testified to the favour entertained 
for the burgesses of Leicester by Edward. The mayor and 
"four of the discreetest burgesses" were made justices to keep 
the statutes of servants, artificers, and labourers ; the town was 
to be exempted from the jurisdiction of the county justices ; 
provision was made for the appointment of the magistrates, and 
for a recorder, who were to wield extensive powers. 30 Finally 
on January 4, 1472, another grant was made of £20 per 
annum for twenty years to the mayor and burgesses, for serv- 
ices done against his enemies and in consideration of their 
great costs ; this was to be paid out of the profits of the honour 
of Leicester, unless within that time lands and tenements 
would be given them to that value. 31 From this array of royal 
grants it is evident that the people of Leicester had given 
evidence of hearty fealty to the house of York. They had 
certainly fought for the White Rose at Towton, for among 
the standards unfurled on that field was the banner of 
Leicester, "The Griffon cam fro Leycestre, fleyng in as tyte 
(quickly)." 32 When Edward returned in 1470 for the purpose 
of recovering his throne, the chronicler says, "wherefore fro 
Notyngham, the Kynge toke the streyght way towards hym, 
by Leicestre." "At Leycestar came to the Kynge ryght-a- 
fayre felawshipe of folks, to the nombar of iijM men, well 
habyled for the wars, such as were veryly to be trusted, as 
thos that wowlde uttarly imparte with hym at beste and worste 

29 Nichols, History and Antiquities of the County of Leicester, I, 
Pt. II, 376; Thompson, History of Leicester, p. 194. 

30 Cf. Nichols, History and Antiquities of the County of Leicester, 1, 
Pt. II, 375- 

31 Kelly, Royal Progresses and Visits to Leicester, pp. 222-224. 

32 Archaeologia, XXIX, 346. 

45 



in his qwarell, withe all theyr force and myght to do hym 
their trew service. And so, better accompanyed than he had 
bene at any time aforme, he departed from Leycestar." 33 This 
was the force for which Edward was indebted to Lord 
Hastings, whose messenger had raised the country round 
about. The town of Leicester thus affords a clean-cut instance 
of the attitude of a borough during the Wars of the Roses. It 
furnishes moreover a striking exception to the statements of 
those writers who have generally characterized the attitude of 
the boroughs as stamped with indifference to the politics of the 
time, or else marked by a reprehensible policy of double- 
dealing. 

Worcestershire was probably Yorkist on the whole. The 
Earl of Warwick's influence in this district would tell in 
favour of Edward. The extensive Mortimer influence must 
also be taken into account. On the marches Edward was 
stronger than his rival. 34 So far as the city of Worcester itself 
is concerned, however, there is no indication that the town 
was actively concerned in the civil broils of the time beyond 
the fact that we know the men of Worcester were represented 
at Towton under their banner, "the Wolf." 35 In the absence 
of evidence to the contrary we may infer, therefore, the town 
was Yorkist in its sympathies. In spite of the fact that Here- 
ford is situated in a region which has been generally repre- 
sented as Yorkist in its leanings, it would seem that the shire 
was divided in its allegiance, some writers even asserting 
that the Lancastrian interest was predominant. In 1457 the 
burgesses and gentlemen about Hereford professed themselves 
ready to take the King's part. 36 Sir John Skydmore was a 
consistent Lancastrian. On the other hand the possessions and 
influence of the Mortimers would certainly inspire a consider- 
able sentiment in favour of the house of York; moreover 
Richard, Duke of York, held extensive possessions in Here- 
fordshire while the same party had a powerful supporter in 
the Earl of Pembroke, of Raglan Castle, and in Sir Walter 
Devereux, whose estates were confiscated at the Parliament 

33 Arrivall of King Edward IV, pp. 8-9. 

34 Cf. Evans, Wales and the Wars of the Roses, p. 89. 

35 Archaeologia, XXIX, 346. 

36 Paston Letters, I, 417. 



46 



held at Coventry. 37 It will be recalled that the victors at 
Northampton had on their arrival in London procured from 
the Duke of York "dyvers straunge commissions fro the Kyng 
for to sitte in dyvers townys comyng homward," among others 
in Hereford, "to punysh them by the fawtes to the Kyngs 
lawys." 38 In view of these considerations no positive state- 
ments can be made touching the attitude of Hereford. It 
belongs in that class of towns whose activities in the Wars of 
the Roses were almost negligible. In 1451-52, as noted above, 
the Duke of York wrote to the bailiffs of Shrewsbury from 
his castle at Ludlow to supply him with a body of men, which 
being done, the Duke marched to Blackheath. 39 The Duke 
is said to have shown this town much favour. From the 
bailiffs' accounts it appears he visited the capital of Shrop- 
shire in 1446, and again in 1449-50; a pipe of red wine was 
given him upon his coming to the town from Ireland, and 
players and minstrels were employed on this occasion; in 145 1 
a similar present was made on his coming for the sessions in 
July. In this year he sends venison, and 24s are spent by the 
bailiffs and other worthy men of the town in providing a 
suitable repast. 40 The friendship entertained for the Duke 
of York by the burghers of Shrewsbury was felt likewise for 
his son Edward. In 1458-59 wine was given to various knights, 
esquires, and gentlemen of the Duke of York and his son, the 
Earl of March. Expenses were incurred by reason of two 
citizens riding to Nottingham to speak with the King, who 
had written to the town authorities. On another occasion the 
sum of 6s 8d was expended for a similar purpose. 

In 1460 there is an entry recording the expending of £8, 
13s. 4d. in connection with 61 men proceeding in the service 
of the lord King to Northampton. At the command of the 
King soldiers were sent with the Earl of Worcester to the 
castle of Denbigh at a cost of 79s. 2d. On another occasion 
the sum of £18 was laid out for a similar purpose, forty soldiers 
going to the castle of Harelagh. Nine years later when the 
times were more uncertain a messenger was sent all the way 
to York at a charge of 10s. to learn the rumours in regard 

37 For the influence exerted by Sir William Herbert, cf. Evans, Wales 
and the Wars of the Roses, p. 159. 

38 Paston Letters, I, 525. 

39 Above, p. 4. 

40 Hist. Mss. Comm., XV, App. x, 29. 

47 



to Edward. 41 It is clear from the foregoing that the town 
authorities of Shrewsbury felt a keen interest in the fortunes 
of the Yorkist chief and testified to their loyalty in deeds as 
well as in words. 

If Shrewsbury was loyal to the cause of the White Rose, 
just the reverse was true in the case of Winchester. But the 
ancient capital of the kingdom was no longer able to support 
effectively the partisans of either the White or the Red Rose, 
for decay and desolation had settled down upon the city. It 
is beyond question that "in the Wars of the Roses the Win- 
chester people had neither energy nor power to play any im- 
portant part." A petition to Henry VI several years before 
the actual outbreak of hostilities recites the fact that 997 houses 
wont to be occupied were void, and that 17 parish churches 
were shut up. The citizens, mayor, and commonalty prayed 
the King to grant unto them 40 marks of the aulnage of sub- 
sidy of woolen cloths sold within the city and suburbs ; for 
"the desolation of the poor city was so great and there is such 
decay that without the gracious comfort of the King, the 
mayor and bailiffs must deliver up the city and keys into the 
King's hand." Henry did not turn a deaf ear to their prayer, 
but granted the 40 marks for fifty years from the first of 
Michaelmas in the 28th year of his reign. 42 The citizens of 
Winchester were no doubt influenced in adhering to the cause 
of the Red Rose largely through the efforts of their bishop, 
William Waynflete, who was chancellor during the years 1449- 
1459, anQl wno was a t a ^ times a zealous Lancastrian. At 
his instance, the citizens refused to proclaim or acknowledge 
Edward IV as their sovereign, declaring at the same time their 
resolution of supporting the cause of the dethroned King. 43 
For this the bishop and citizens are said to have been sen- 
tenced to a severe chastisement. On the final overthrow of 
King Henry, however, Edward granted the city a special 
pardon. 44 Though powerless to render the cause of Henry ef- 
fective support in a material way, and situated in a region 
which is generally reputed as Yorkist in its leanings, neverthe- 
less, so far as we know, the ancient capital of the kingdom 

41 Ibid, XV, App. x, 30. Cf. Owen and Blakeway, History of Shrews- 
bury, I, 224, 227. 

42 Ms. British Museum, Addit., 5830. 

43 Hist. Mss. Comm., VI, 147. Cf . Green, Town Life, I, 326. 

44 Kitchin, Winchester, p. 147. 

48 



remained loyal, and that, too, in the face of incurring the 
wrath of Edward for so doing. Its attitude therefore affords 
another exception to the view that the towns in the Wars of 
the Roses never acted from motives of sentiment, but were 
actuated solely by selfish considerations. 

Without exception, the county of Kent has been represented 
as ardently Yorkist in its sympathies. Some of the considera- 
tions which must be taken into account in explaining why 
Kent, in common with the southeastern part of the realm, was 
led to adopt an attitude of hostility toward the Lancastrian 
party may be conveniently dealt with in another connection ; 
for the present we are called upon to notice only the attitude 
of Kent. The county in this respect seems to constitute an 
exception to the statement of Stubbs that in most of the 
counties the two parties were pretty evenly balanced. 45 As 
early as 1452 the men of Kent had suffered for the favour 
shown the Duke of York, 28 being hanged and beheaded in 
that year. 46 They are said to have formed the bulk of the 
Yorkist army at Northampton, but this statement rests upon 
no contemporary evidence. A host of Kentish men joined 
the Yorkist lords when they marched upon London in the 
spring of 1460. 47 Warwick was very popular with the Kentish- 
men, who seem to have felt nothing but hatred for Margaret ; 
this resentment would naturally extend to the cause represented 
by her. By some this resentment has been attributed to the 
charge that Margaret in 1457 incited the French to ravage 
the Kentish sea coasts for her own private purposes, and to the 
anger felt at the loss of the French provinces. Be that as it 
may, the cause of the Yorkists was ardently espoused by the 
commons of Kent. Nor was Edward without supporters in 
the city of Canterbury, though the city was by no means 
whole-hearted in his support ; for among the citizens was an 
active Lancastrian faction. From the town records it appears 
that the townsmen were deep in the politics of the time. Un- 
like the citizens of Winchester the town authorities of Canter- 
bury endeavoured to trim their sails to the veering currents 
of the time. They prudently accepted the new order of things 

45 Const. Hist, III, 186. 

46 Wright, History of Ludlow, p. 281. 

47 English Chronicle (ed. Davies), p. 86; William of Worcester, 
p. 772. 

49 



in 1460, but still maintained a connection with the dethroned 
family at York. Edward visited Canterbury in the first year 
of his reign, upon which occasion three prominent citizens 
advanced a large sum of money for the expenses of his enter- 
tainment. As might be expected, much expense was incurred 
by reason of presents to the leading personages of the time, 
irrespective of their party affiliations. There were gifts of 
capons, oxen, sheep, and wine to the two brothers of the then 
King; horses, bread, and choice wines were presented to the 
Duchess of York ; from the variety of wines mentioned the 
vintners evidently plied a thriving trade during the period. In 
1464-65 loans aggregating £20 were repaid for sums advanced 
for the purpose of giving Queen Margaret a silver-gilt cup 
and the gift of a sum of money. Then, of course, there were 
payments for messengers riding to London and elsewhere to 
hear the rumours and for having the good will of this or that 
influential person. These were ticklish times, and the city 
fathers evidently had much difficulty in attempting to steer 
a clear course between the rival factions. 48 At Towton Can- 
terbury had been represented by a contingent under the 
"Harrow." 49 The citizens naturally desired to have their 
charters confirmed by the new government. On August 2, 
1461, the King ratified the former charters of the citizens 
and confirmed all their privileges ; mention is made of "the 
faithfulness and laudable services of the citizens to the King 
and not the little charges, costs, expenses, labours, jeopardies, 
and hurts of our said mayor and citizens exhibited." 50 Ed- 
ward's concern for the commonalty, however, did not prevent 
his exacting a considerable sum for this mark of his favour. 
The total expense incurred in connection with the renovation 
of the charter amounted to £25, 19s. 2d. During all this time 
a powerful Lancastrian faction seems to have been active in 
the city. In the trying years, 1469-70, both Lancastrians and 
Yorkists being represented among the town officials, it seems 
to have been decided to send a party of soldiers into Lincoln- 
shire to help Edward, while the Lancastrian mayor, Nicholas 
Faunt, repaired to the court of Henry in London. If this 
was the case, it presents one of the few instances of such un- 

48 See Hist. Mss. Comm., IX, Pt. I, 140. 

49 Archaeologia, XXIX, 346. 

50 Charters of Canterbury by a Citizen, p. 50. 

So 



precedented action that has been met with. During the years 
1470-71 there were contributions to Warwick and Lancaster, 
the mayor showing great activity in his devotion to the Red 
Rose party. Walter Hopton, an innkeeper, was his lieutenant 
in command of the Lancastrian party ; his name headed the list 
of proscribed rebels when Edward had recovered his throne, 
the bailiffs' accounts for these years bear witness to the nu- 
merous expenditures incurred in connection with the equip- 
ment and movement of soldiers, the sending of messengers 
to various points, the purchase of bread and wine for "honest" 
persons, which was the manner in which the adherents of 
the Red Rose faction are characterized. 51 

In 1471 Edward visited Canterbury for the purpose of tak- 
ing vengeance upon those citizens who had taken the wrong 
side in the late troubles. Nicholas Faunt, who had aided 
Falconbridge in his attack upon London, was hanged. When 
Faunt was arrested after the disaster of Blackheath, in his 
pocket was found a list of the loyal Lancastrians of Canter- 
bury. This incriminating bit of evidence was sent to the 
city by a well-wisher of the citizens, who rewarded with 10s. 
the servant bringing the compromising paper. An inquiry set 
on foot at Canterbury revealed the fact that some 150 citizens, 
comprising those of lower social position as well as a number 
of the most respectable and wealthy, were implicated in re- 
bellion against the King. Edward granted a pardon to Will 
Sellow, a member of the corporation, and some others who 
had been in arms against him, but the more prominent rebels 
were put to death for their loyalty to the losing side. In 1471- 
72, the sum of of 26s. 8d. was allowed to Will Sellow for 
riding to London to see the King in regard to the restoration 
of the liberties of the city. For the charter of the town had 
been suspended by Edward and was ransomed only at heavy 
cost to the citizens ; in the meanwhile the city had been ruled 
by Captain Brimstone "by a gentle exercise of martial law." 
The house of York being now secure upon the throne, the 
citizens generally acquiesced in the rule of Edward, purchas- 
ing at the public cost three-quarters of a yard of white kersey 
to be made into Yorkist badges for the corporation and its 
officers to be worn on the occasion of Edward's visit. A great 
brass gun, captured from Falconbridge at Blackheath, was pre- 

51 Hist. Mss. Comm, IX, Pt. I, 140, 141. 

Si 



sented by the King to the city at the instance of certain Yorkist 
citizens. Thus closed the incidents connected with the unhappy 
years of civil strife. Echoes of that strife continue to be met 
with, however, in the town records for several years after 
the cessation of actual hostilities ; the heirs of Faunt still had 
to settle his accounts with the Exchequer. An old debt of 
20s. was discharged for the cloth made into jackets for the 
contingent led by the unfortunate mayor when he left his city 
for the last time to strike a blow in behalf of his sovereign. 52 
The attitude of the mayor and his "honest" partisans goes a 
long way towards redeeming the burghers of the towns from 
the charge of wholesale double-dealing with which they have 
been accused. Forced by the circumstances of the time to 
scatter their bribes right and left, nevertheless when the crisis 
drew near, there were not wanting those among the townsmen 
who were ready to fight and, if needs be, die for the cause 
they espoused. In Canterbury the Lancastrian party seems 
to have been unusually active and vigilant. By its very loca- 
tion, the city was inevitably drawn into the contest between 
the two warring factions. Of the inhabitants of Canterbury 
it was peculiarly true that authority came home to them "as 
a mere matter of arbitrary and violent caprice," and the "main 
function of government as that of rough extortion and suc- 
cessful pillage." 53 In a region which has been commonly 
represented as devotedly Yorkist in its attachments, it is inter- 
esting to find the house of Lancaster not without ardent sup- 
porters among the burghers of Canterbury. The history of the 
town during the years of civil strife furnishes moreover a 
refutation of the statement made by Stubbs and repeated by 
writers generally, namely, that Edward IV remained till his 
death a favourite with the people of London and the larger 
towns generally. 

52 Ibid., IX, Pt. I, 142. 

53 Green, Town Life, I, 216. 



52 



CHAPTER VI 

The Cinque Ports 

Though differing among themselves in wealth and popula- 
tion, the Cinque Ports may be conveniently treated as a whole ; 
for the men of Cinque Ports may be fairly classed as Yorkist 
in their sympathies until they were called upon to choose be- 
tween Edward and Warwick. For from first to last Lord 
Warwick seems to have been the favourite of these hardy 
mariners, and not undeservedly. It is not difficult to believe 
that the sailors of the Cinque Ports were alienated from the 
support of the government partly by the loss of the French 
provinces. Above all it was to Warwick and the Yorkists 
that the portsmen looked for protection from French attack 
against which the men of the ports were bound to give their 
services. The utter incapacity of the Lancastrian government 
to afford this protection was signally shown in 1457 when 
Sandwich was captured and spoiled by a fleet of Norman and 
Breton ships under command of Pierre de Breze, seneschal 
of Normandy. One result was the conferring upon the Earl 
of Warwick of a commission to "keep the seas" for three 
years. And right valiantly was this service performed by 
the Yorkist commander, for the very next year witnessed a 
brilliant victory over the Spaniards. 1 This was an achievement 
which would not soon be forgotten by the men of the Cinque 
Ports. As we have seen, the men of the southeastern portion 
of the realm, including the Cinque Ports, were ardent fol- 
lowers of Cade, and it is reasonably clear that the Yorkists con- 
sidered Cade's cause as their own. It is not, therefore, sur- 
prising that the cause of Edward found ready partisans among 
the portsmen. ''There was never a rising in which they 
were not the most eager partisans of the revolutionary side." 2 
So long as Edward retained the affection of the men of the 
Cinque Ports, so long was he secure from attack on the part 



1 Paston Letters, I, 429. 

2 Green, Town Life, I, 415. 



53 



of enemies operating from across the channel; but this security- 
was dependent upon maintaining friendly relations with the 
great Earl, as was shown in the years 1469-70. 

In 1460 the coast of Kent proved a safe landing place for 
the Yorkist leaders and troops marching to Northampton. 
Having landed at Sandwich, the Earls of March, Salisbury, 
and Warwick pushed on toward London. They were joined 
by practically all Kent, their ranks including no doubt many 
men from the Cinque Ports. After the overthrow of Henry, 
we find the Yorkist government in relation with the different 
towns. The men of New Romney paid a messenger coming 
from Edward and Warwick 6s. 8d. with the mandate to have 
men ready for sea, in support of the King's ships. 3 Likewise 
we learn from the Dover Corporation Accounts of similar pay- 
ments by that town. 4 From this document it is seen that the 
mayors of Dover took an active part in the politics of the time. 
The three who served in this capacity for ten years of Edward's 
reign, beginning in 1462, were Thomas Grace, Thomas Hextall, 
and Richard Palmer. Grace and Palmer represented their 
town in the parliament which met at York, February 5, 1464. 
Judging from the records of the small dependent town of Lydd, 
its citizens were deeply interested in the fortunes of York 
and incurred heavy expenses in his behalf. Soldiers were 
fitted out who fought under the Earl of Warwick at the battle 
of Northampton. A sum was raised for the services of thirty- 
four men who marched to the second battle of St. Albans, 
while anther contingent under the Earls of March and War- 
wick represented the town in the campaign which ended at 
Towton. 5 At a later date there is a reference to a payment of 
"9 li 6s. 8d. being delyvered to Henry Bate and John Pultone, 
and there felyschypp assigned with them, going to the helpe 
of Kyng Edwarde, our Sourayne Lord, with my Lord of War- 
wicke"; 6 and "21 menne, goyng on the viage with the Lordes 
of Clarence and Warwyk," are paid 7 li. 6s. 8d. 7 Thomas 
Caxton, the town clerk, was seemingly kept busy recording the 
numerous items of expenditure incurred by the town in these 
exciting times. We read of "expences of diverse menne goyng 

3 Hist. Mss. Comm,, V, 544. 

4 Ms. British Museum. Addit., 26,619. 

5 Hist. Mss. Comm., V, Pt. I, 523. 

6 Ibid., V, Pt. I, 528. 

7 Ibid, V, Pt. I, 525. 

54 



to Dovorre unto the Lord of Warwike, for to have go to the 
see 13s. 2d." Payments are recorded for "Wayche ynne the 
steple" ; there are numerous items as to the "town gunnes" ; 
expenses are incurred for getting news in regard to the land- 
ing of Queen Margaret and the support she received from 
Scotland; for "gunne powther"; for men going to London 
to speak with the city officials touching the entrance of War- 
wick's men, and for "to know how we shuld spede and be 
guydyd." 8 Then gifts had to be provided for influential per- 
sons, whose favour the townsmen sought, for strengthening the 
fortifications, for "exspences of ledyng up the manne to the 
Kyng, that was take with letters from the Duke of Somerset," 
who was beheaded in 1463. Money was laid out for "two 
cryes for the muster," and for various and sundry other 
things. 

The charter granted the Cinque Ports by Edward IV in 
1465 alludes to the "good, ready, and grateful services which 
the barons and men of the Cinque Ports have done in the 
redemption of the right of our kingdom" during the long con- 
test between him and Henry VI for the crown of the realm. 
As an evidence of gratitude for the same he confirms in the 
most full and ample manner all the rights, liberties, and privi- 
leges enjoyed by the Ports and their members since the time 
of Edward the Confessor; nor are they to be forfeited by 
non-use or abuse of the same on the part of the barons of 
the Ports. Wherever there may be parts difficult or defective 
in any of their customs, the mayor and jurats in any port, 
where such difficulty or defect may be apparent, shall have 
the power of examining the same and granting a remedy for 
it. 9 It is thus seen of how great importance to the Cinque 
Ports was this charter of Edward IV; and the powers con- 
tained therein bear witness to the close allegiance between 
these independent barons and the Yorkist King. 

The most exciting times, however were still in store for the 
men of the Cinque Ports. For the year 1469-70 found these 
hardy mariners seemingly in alliance with Warwick in his 
rebellion against King Edward. In 1469 the King being at 
Sandwich ordered all the women to be sent out of town, whose 
husbands or lovers — "viros seu sponsos" — were abroad in 

8 See Ibid., V, Pt. I, 522-523. 

9 Jeake, Charters of Cinque Ports, p. 52. 

55 



the service of the Duke of Clarence and Earl of Warwick. 10 
The next year there is record of "a silver gilt cup to be given 
to the Earl of Warwick." An expense of 5s. 3d. was incurred 
on the occasion of the mayor riding "to my Lord Warwick." 11 
As a penalty for siding with his enemies, Edward by a privy 
seal deprived the corporation of all its privileges, freedoms 
and liberties, the town to be governed by a lieutenant during 
the suspension of its privileges. 12 Dover likewise opened its 
port to the Earl of Warwick after he had deserted the Yorkist 
King. There are numerous entries in the Dover Corporation 
Accounts which illustrate the political activity of the corpora- 
tion during these years. Expenses are incurred in connection 
with the Lord Mayor riding to meet Lord Warwick, also for 
a dinner to "Ld Warwicks counsell" ; there are references also 
showing a friendly relation with the Duke of Clarence. John 
Fuller was paid for riding to London with the "money for ye 
Kyng's service." Three barons were paid for riding to Can- 
terbury to "ye King," and were given 26s. 4d. for riding to 
London "for to come to ye King's counsell." 13 These are 
no doubt allusions to the period after the restoration of Edward 
IV. There are likewise payments for gunpowder, for "scout 
wache," while many an item of expense is incurred in con- 
nection with the "Gret Gune." "Tom Grygg and Tom Day 
pd. 1/6 for dressyng of the gret gonne above Wall." Eight 
pence was paid for carrying the "Grett Guns," and 2d. for 
bearing the said gun or guns from the "strete to ye clyff." 14 
In November, 1471, Edward appointed a commission to try 
the rebels who had supported Warwick when he raised Henry 
VI to the throne. 15 The liberties of Dover were seized and 
"for the good and decent government and happy rule of the 
town and its members, and our people of the same, Thomas 
Hextall, receiver of the Lord Warden, was appointed custos 
of the town, with its members, with power to rule and govern 
the same, and have the keys and administration, even as the 
mayor hitherto had had." 16 The town, however, seems to 
have been pardoned almost immediately. 

10 Boys, Collections for a History of Sandwich, p. 676. 

11 Ms. British Museum, Addit., 26,619. 

12 Boys, Collections for a History of Sandwich, p. 676. 

13 Ms. British Museum, Addit., 26,619. 

14 Ibid. 

15 Statham, Dover Charters and Other Documents, p. 249. 

16 Hueffer, The Cinque Ports, p. 269. 

56 



From the records it is evident that the town of New Romney 
also was inclined to side with Warwick rather than with Ed- 
ward when these two became estranged. At the beginning of 
his reign we find the following entry: "Paid for our share 
of a certain gift of ioo marks to Richard, Earl of Warwick, 
our Warden, to have his friendship in the office of Warden 
aforesaid, at the Court of Shepwey, n li. 2s. 3d." And in 
the same year is another entry: "Paid to Robert Clytherow, 
bringing letters of our Lord the King, and the Earl of War- 
wick to have men ready for sea, in support of his ships." 17 
In 1469-70 the sum of 34s. iod. was paid John Cheynew, 
Thomas Couper, and others, employed on the voyage of the Earl 
of Warwick. 18 The town of Lydd likewise "paid to 21 menne, 
goyng on the viage with the Lordes of Clarance and Warwyck, 
7 li. 6s. 8d." In the following year occurs this entry : "Paide 
to a manne bryngyng commandement that we shulde areste all 
manner of schippes by longyng to the Yerle of Warwicke 4d." 19 
It is thus seen that the Cinque Ports on the whole figure prom- 
inently in the politics of the time. Nor is this surprising when 
we consider the strategic position of the Ports, the inde- 
pendent character of the government enjoyed by the barons of 
these sea-coast towns, and their eagerness to have a hand in 
every fray that came near their shores. With characteristic 
readiness they cast off" their allegiance to Henry and adhered 
to the fortunes of Edward until his breach with Warwick, 
who, from first to last, seems to have enjoyed the confidence 
of the men of Cinque Ports. For the cause of Henry VI they 
seem to have felt no enthusiasm. Their allegiance was re- 
served primarily for the bold and successful sea-captain who 
knew how to deal the Spaniards or the Bretons a heavy blow ; 
the Lancastrian government had shown its utter incompetence 
to protect the coast of the southeastern part of the realm from 
the attacks of the enemy. Naturally the barons of the Ports 
turned to the Yorkists as likely to afford that protection which 
the rival administration was either indifferent or powerless 
to give. 

Ipswich favoured the cause of the White Rose. In 1462 
the town provided for twenty armed men for the King's service, 

17 Hist. Mss. Comm., V, Pt. I, 544. 
16 Ibid., V, Pt. I, 545- 
1 9 Ibid, V, Pt. I, 525. 

57 



Two years later Edward guaranteed all the privileges of for- 
mer charters, with some alterations and additions. The ample 
charter of Henry VI had incorporated the town by style of 
"the Burgesses of Ipswich"; the charter of Edward IV sub- 
stituted for this the phrase the "Bailiffs, Burgesses, and com- 
monalty of the Town of Ipswich," and authorized them an- 
nually to elect burgesses as bailiffs. The town granted a loan 
of £40 to the King and paid the same by two instalments of 
£20 each. By an assessment as an aid to the King who called 
for the sum "under the specious appellation of a benevolence," 
the townsmen raised £21. 2s. yd. In 1469 provision was made 
for twelve soldiers for five weeks, a fifteenth being collected 
for that purpose ; twenty men were moreover kept armed and 
in readiness for the King's service when the same should be 
called for. 20 

Ipswich thus affords another clean-cut instance of loyalty 
to the Yorkist faction ; the Mowbray influence, together with 
the concern of the townsmen for trade and good government no 
doubt go far to explain their sympathy with the Yorkist cause. 
If a Lancastrian faction existed in the town, no trace of any 
activity on its part is disclosed in the town records. 

20 Ms. British Museum, Addit., 25,334. Cf. Bacon, Annalls of Ips- 
wiche, pp. 120, 122, 129, 130. 



58 



CHAPTER VII 

Northampton, Beverley, Ludlow 

Northamptonshire no doubt contained many Lancastrian 
lords ; and the capital of the county probably had Lancastrian 
sympathizers ; any active participation in the war, however, 
on the part of the citizens seems to have been confined to the 
partisans of York. In the thirty-eighth year of his reign Henry 
VI granted the men and burgesses of Northampton a charter 
incorporating the town by the name of the mayor, bailiffs, and 
burgesses of Northampton, and appointing the mayor justice 
of the peace. This charter was granted in consideration partly 
of the great and memorable services which "they have now 
lately performed by their daily attendance on and assistance 
to our royal person at their heavy costs, expenses, and charges 
for the resistance, reduction and correction of divers of our 
rebellious people." In the first year of his reign Edward 
granted the town a general pardon for all offenses committed 
before November 4, 1461. 1 On the other hand, it should be 
noted that the "Wild Rat" of Northampton is mentioned 
among the Yorkist standards at Towton. Edward was at 
Northampton from the 8th to the 28th of July, 1463. 2 In 
1471, when returning from exile, he was well received, says the 
chronicler, at a good town called Northampton, 3 though no in- 
ference is to be drawn from this as to the predilection of the 
citizens. On another occasion the commons of Northampton 
manifested friendly concern for King Edward. "And the 
Kyng fulle lovyngly gave the comyns of Northampton a tonne 
of wyne that they should drynke and make merry." 4 Most 
probably the town, as most of the others, contained adherents 
of both the Red Rose and the White. 

The story turns again to the north, and in the little town 
of Beverley we have an interesting illustration of the manner 

1 Markham, Records of the Borough of Northampton, I, 84, 85, 89. 

2 Paston Letters, I, 135. 

3 Arrivall of King Edivard IV, p. 14. 

4 Gregory's Chronicle (ed. Gairdner), p. 222. 

59 



in which the politics of a borough was influenced by the mag- 
nates of the neighbouring country; for the town records dis- 
close a frequent and active intercourse between the townsmen 
and certain powerful lords. The feudal lord of Beverley was 
the Archbishop of York. The primate of the northern province 
was Bishop Booth, of Lichfield, who had been translated to 
York in 1452; in 1464 he was succeeded by George Neville. 
But the appointment of a Yorkist bishop failed to exercise any 
change in the feelings of the men of Beverley, who afford 
another instance, — contrary to the commonly accepted view — 
of loyalty from principle to the party of their choice. The 
town is said to have been chiefly occupied by merchants and 
ecclesiastics ; it is not surprising, therefore, to find the in- 
habitants not taking an active part in the civil strife of the 
times. But there is no doubt that the men of Beverley sym- 
pathized with the cause represented by the Red Rose. The 
town accounts reveal expenditures for wine given to Henry 
Percy, third Earl of Northumberland, who was slain at Towton. 
He and his wife visited Beverley for the purpose of preserv- 
ing their own and the Lancastrian influence in the town ; 
messengers passed between the borough and the Earl touching 
matters pertaining to the commonalty. Rewards were given 
to the servant of the Earl, capons to Ralph Percy, bread and 
wine to Lord Egremont, who fell at the battle of Northamp- 
ton, carp and wine to Lord Clifford. 5 There were numerous 
expenditures in connection with letters sent to George, Lord 
Neville. "And in monies given to Cuthbert Colwell on the 
23rd of October hired to labour and ride as far as Raby to 
speak with the lord Neville concerning the rule of the said 
town of Beverley, 13s. 4d." 6 The town was likewise busy in 
Margaret's support, lagans of red wine being given to the 
Queen's servants and expenses being incurred in connection 
with providing victuals for her household. It is only fair to 
add, however, that after the battle of Wakefield, Beverley be- 
came alternately subject, it seems, to the expense of providing 
for and entertaining Yorkists as well as Lancastrians, heavy 
expenses being incurred in connection with the new govern- 
ment of Edward IV. The King commanded the bailiff and 
the burgesses to repair to him with a force of armed men. 

5 Poulson, Beverlac, I, 226, 227, 234, 235. 

6 Ibid., I, 229, 231. 

60 



Provision was made for the men, numerous items of ex- 
pense being incurred in connection with raising and equip- 
ping "twenty armed men" for the field of Northampton." 
Also "paid to three minstrels of the town for their labour in 
playing at the time of the passage of the said armed men out 
of the town, 6d." 7 The men of Beverley were also engaged 
at Towton in upholding the cause of the Red Rose. "And in 
wine given to the armed men of the town when they rode 
towards Towton, I2d." 8 On several other occasions the town 
provided archers for a similar purpose. Expenditures were 
incurred for clothing and arming men sent in King Edward's 
service to Newcastle-upon-Tyne. 9 While it is apparent there- 
fore that Beverley supported the cause of Edward IV on cer- 
tain occasions, it is reasonably clear that such support was 
rendered from compulsion rather than from choice, for the 
inhabitants of the town sympathized with the house of Lan- 
caster, — a fact which no doubt is to be explained in large 
measure by the influence exerted over the townsmen by the 
powerful adherents of the Red Rose who lived in that part of 
the country. The history of the town during the period of civil 
strife further illustrates another fact to which allusion has 
already been made: the helplessness, so to speak, of the 
burghers to protect themselves from oppression on the part of 
the Crown and of those who had it in their power to make 
the townsmen feel the weight of their resentment. Hence 
the readiness with which the town officials sought to conciliate 
by gifts and bribes powerful members of the nobility. The 
men of Beverley, as those of many another place during the 
period of civil strife, were keenly alive to the importance of 
keeping themselves informed of the events of the time. This 
is shown by the entry in the town records of the following: 
"Also paid to one labourer walking to Leconfield to hear the 
rumours, 4d." 10 

Few towns were more devoted to the Yorkist cause than 
Ludlow which belonged to the Duke of York, and which bore 
no small share in the calamities of the times. This "town of 
noble fame" was the chief seat of the Mortimer power and its 

7 Ibid., I, 227, 228. See also Hist. Mss. Comm., IX, 140, 142, 144, 145. 

8 Poulson, Beverlac, I, 238. 

9 Ibid., I, 239-242. 

10 Ibid., I, 22,1. 

61 



castle the favourite residence of Richard Plantagenet. Here 
he mustered the army which melted away in the rout of Lud- 
ford Bridge. When Edward IV recovered the sovereignty, 
Ludlow was chosen as the proper seat for the residence of 
the Prince of Wales ; here he kept his court at the time of 
his father's death. In 1459 the town was cruelly ravaged by 
the northern army of Margaret. 11 "And forth with the Kynge 
rode unto Ludlowe & dyspoiled the towne and castell." The 
men of Ludlow were probably engaged in the battle of Towton. 
Edward's partiality for the town is shown by the valuable 
charter granted the townsmen in the first year of his reign ; 
by this act he assisted in recovering Ludlow from the desolate 
state to which it had been reduced by adhering to his father's 
cause. Until this charter the town held all its rights and fran- 
chises by grant from the lord of the manor. The charter of 
incorporation makes mention of "the laudable and gratuitous 
services which our beloved and faithful subjects the burgesses 
of the town of Ludlow have rendered unto us in the obtaining 
of our right to the crown of England for a long time past 
withheld from us and our ancestors, in great peril of their 
lives: and also the rapines, depredations, oppressions, losses 
of goods, and other grievances, for us and our sake in divers 
ways brought upon them by certain of our competitors ; being 
therefore desirous for the amelioration and relief of our town 
aforesaid and of the burgesses and inhabitants in the same, 
to bestow our grace and favour on the same burgesses, by our 
royal munificence we have granted and by these presents do 
grant to our burgesses of our town aforesaid, that the same 
shall be a free borough for ever." The charter thus relieved 
the townsmen of all feudal dependence, with the absolute right 
of managing their own affairs and of electing their own of- 
ficers, on condition of an annual payment of twenty-four 
pounds, thirteen shillings, and four pence; a gilda mercatoria 
was also granted by the King, with further extensive liberties 
and privileges. 12 It is thus seen that the services rendered 
Edward by his town of Ludlow must have been considerable, 
for the grant is one of unusual value, and is recorded to be 
in return for assistance rendered the King. 

Margaret seems to have cultivated not unsuccessfully the 

11 Whethamstede, I, 345. 

12 For the charters, see Wright, History of Ludlow, pp. 5-44. 

62 



friendship of the citizens of Chester. Cheshire was a region 
in which the Lancastrian party could generally count upon 
securing recruits. Prominent among her supporters was Lord 
Stanley, whose influence in the county is said to have been 
considerable. In 1453 Queen Margaret "came to Chester upon 
progresse with manye greate lords and ladyes with her and 
was graciously received by the Mayor and citizens." Two 
years later Margaret was again a visitor at Chester; the fol- 
lowing year the Queen is said to have resided for some time 
in the city entertaining with great hospitality the citizens and 
gentlemen of the county, who were in general well affected to 
her. 13 In 1457 Margaret and her son again came to Chester 
during the summer where she kept open house, hoping thereby 
to draw the county to her party. 14 Likewise in the following 
year Margaret seems to have been in Chester for the purpose 
of enlisting the sympathies of the townsmen. In the summer 
preceding the battle of Blore Heath, which proved so disastrous 
to the men of Cheshire and in which many of the citizens of 
Chester are said to have fallen fighting in behalf of the Red 
Rose, the Queen lodged at Eccleshall Castle, the residence of 
her chaplain, John Halse, bishop of Chester. As on previous 
occasions, the Queen is said to have kept "open and royal 
house" and by her liberality to have gained the hearts of the 
gentry. Margaret went to the field of battle and stood in 
Eccleston Steeple; from thence she saw the fatal rout of the 
King's army on Blore Heath. As noted above, the citizens of 
Chester and the gentlemen of Cheshire were the principal 
sufferers in this engagement. On that day the Queen's ad- 
herents wore silver swans, the cognizance of the Prince of 
Wales ; these had been given her partisans by Margaret as 
marks of her favour. 15 

Among the towns which suffered cruelly for their Yorkist 
proclivities was Stamford. In 1459 Edward by letters patent 
incorporated the town and granted it immunity from all ex- 
ternal jurisdiction ; the chief alderman was raised to a position 
of exceptional privilege and responsibility, being within his 
jurisdiction the immediate lieutenant of the King: "also 
granting him one or more mace or maces of gold or silver, 

13 Ms. British Museum, Stowe, 811. 

14 Ms. British Museum, Addit., 29,780. 

15 Ibid., Addit., 11,334. 

63 



at his choice, to be carried before him for his greater honour 
or dignity; and the further privilege of a common seal at 
arms." 16 Two years later the Lancastrian army under Sir 
Andrew Trollope burst in and ravaged the town with fire and 
sword. "These devastations were of such magnitude that 
Stamford never afterwards recovered its ancient dignity." 
Not even the vessels and books of their altar were spared; a 
number of churches were partially or completely destroyed 
as well as all the municipal archives." Edward IV was a 
visitor at Stamford in 1462 and was entertained by John 
Browne, alderman, a wealthy merchant. In spite of the ruin 
visited upon the town by the Lancastrians, it was able to fur- 
nish a powerful contingent to the royal army when Edward 
IV passed through in 1470 from Fotheringay Castle against Sir 
Robert Welles and Sir Thomas de la Launde. In return for 
the horse and foot furnished by the men of Stamford with 
which Edward won the battle of "Bloody Oaks," he granted 
the town permission to bear the royal arms upon a surcoat." 
The loyalty of the inhabitants of Stamford to the cause of 
the White Rose is not difficult to explain. In 1363 the castle 
and manor of Stamford were given by Edward III to his 
son Edward, Duke of York. The dukes of York were thus 
the lords of Stamford. The loyalty thus naturally felt by the 
citizens for the chiefs of the Yorkist party was "fanned to a 
white heat" by the cruelties inflicted upon their town by the 
followers of Margaret. Among other towns sacked by the 
northern troops of Margaret after the battle of Wakefield 
was Grantham, the lordship and manor of which were granted 
by Edward IV in 1461 to his mother, Cicely, Duchess of York. 
While there is no record of any active participation by the 
men of Grantham in the civil strife of the period, it may 
very well be believed that the townsmen were loyal to the 
Yorkist side. No affection would be felt by the inhabitants for 
the despoilers of their town ; furthermore, Edward IV granted 
the place a charter in 1462, from which Grantham dates its 
existence as a corporate borough, the recognition of its mer- 
chant gild, and the right of sending two burgesses to Par- 
liament. 18 When King Henry VI sent to Newbury in order 

16 The charter granted Stamford by Edward IV is printed in 
Drakard's History of Stamford in the County of Lincoln, IV, 77-78. 

17 Cf. Nevinson, History of Stamford, pp. 59-60, 61-63. 

18 Merewether and Stephens, Boroughs, II, 970-971. 

64 



to collect money, the inhabitants refused to pay saying they 
would keep what they had for the Duke of York. 19 Newbury 
seems to have been one of the towns which had declared most 
openly for the Duke and had previously supported his cause. 
In 1460 the Earl of Wiltshire, Lords Scales and Hungerford, 
visited Newbury for the purpose of discovering and punishing 
those who had been in arms against the King. In consequence 
of this visit some of the townsmen were hanged, drawn and 
quartered, and all the other inhabitants despoiled of their 
goods. 20 Newbury suffered the same fate as Grantham and 
Stamford, being sacked by the followers of the Earl of Wilt- 
shire. The ravaging of the town by the troops of Margaret 
was a potent cause in alienating from her support those who 
had hitherto sided with the house of Lancaster. An illustra- 
tion of this has already been instanced in the case of Coventry. 
From first to last the burgesses of the royal borough of King's 
Lynn are said to have espoused the cause of the White Rose ; 
and that, too, in the face of overwhelming odds. When King 
Edward was hotly pursued by the Earl of Warwick, the 
fugitive was generously entertained by its citizens. Among 
the adherents of the house of York should be included the 
little town of Wenlock. In 1467, its lord, Sir John Wenlock, 
who was killed at Tewkesbury, obtained from King Edward 
IV a grant that Wenlock should be a free borough, incor- 
porated with a bailiff and burgesses, and that its liberties should 
extend throughout the parish of the Holy Trinity of Wenlock. 
The charter makes mention of the laudable services that the 
men of the town performed in assisting the King to gain pos- 
session of his crown. 21 Finally, we are told that "in the revo- 
lutionary times of 1470, the citizens of Bridport were un- 
luckily associated with the party of Henry VI, and for years 
after their wealth was lavished in buying back the favour of 
the court." 22 

19 DeWaurin, V, 270. 

20 English Chronicle (ed. Davies), p. 90. 

21 Merewether and Stephens, Boroughs, II, 1000. 

22 Green, Town Life, I, 215. 



65 



CHAPTER VIII 



Conclusion 



This completes our survey of those towns which were 
actively concerned directly or indirectly in the Wars of the 
Roses. As has been seen, the account includes some thirty or 
more boroughs, representing every part of the realm and every 
degree of wealth and size. At the head of the list stand Lon- 
don and those cities which ranked next to the metropolis in 
wealth and population such as Bristol and York; at the other 
end of the scale are insignificant places like Bridport and Wen- 
lock. The struggle involved flourishing seaports like South- 
ampton, and decaying inland towns like Winchester and Lin- 
coln. Contrary to the view which has been generally held, 
it would seem that the boroughs assumed a more determined 
and active attitude in the Wars of the Roses than has generally 
been ascribed to them. And though their lack of unity and 
of concert prevented their achieving any marked results, or 
swinging the fortunes of civil war one way or the other, yet 
the part played by the townsmen in the struggle is by no means 
an insignificant one, considering the unwarlike character of 
the inhabitants of a medieval town, and the comparatively 
small size of the majority of fifteenth century English bor- 
oughs. If a comparison be made with the levy of archers 
voted by Parliament in 1453, 1 it will be seen that towns like 
Coventry and Norwich put forth vigorous efforts in behalf of 
the cause espoused by these cities. Virtually every flourishing 
municipality sent its contingent to Edward's banner at Towton. 
More than one illustration has been given of towns which were 
consistently loyal to the party of their choice, and loyal at 
the cost of ruined trade and depleted finances. A sufficient 
amount of evidence of this character has been adduced to 
relieve the towns of the imputation of wholesale double-dealing 
with which their attitude has been characterized. That there 
were such instances is very evident; nor is a policy of self- 

i-Rot. Pari. V, 232. 

66 



preservation to be wondered at on the part of the townsmen, 
when one takes into consideration the dangers that confronted 
their liberties and well-being in consequence of too active a 
participation in the civil strife. At the same time there were 
not lacking those among the burgesses who clung with fidelity 
to the party of their choice even after the conflict had de- 
generated into what has been termed a blood-feud between two 
reckless factions. And more than once this fidelity had as its 
reward only forfeited rights and injured trade. On the whole 
it would seem not unfair to refer to the cause represented by 
the Yorkists as the popular one, though as has been seen, every 
leading borough contained adherents of the Red Rose as well 
as of the White. We are pretty safe in assuming, however, 
that the number of burghers who favoured the house of York 
exceeded the number of those who sided with Lancaster. 

In seeking for an explanation of the reason why a majority 
of the townsmen should have sided with York rather than 
with Lancaster, we shall hardly err in adducing as the most 
potent the instability of Henry VI's government. The un- 
settled state of the realm during the years just preceding the 
outbreak of actual hostilities has been frequently commented 
upon. The tenth article of the "Kentish Memorial" constitutes 
a vigorous arraignment of Henry VI's administration: "His 
law is lost ; his merchandize is lost ; his commerce destroyed ; 
the sea is lost; France is lost; himself is made so poor, that 
he may not pay for his meat and drink ; he oweth more and is 
greater in debt than ever was King in England." 2 The order 
and security which is the very life of trade and industry were 
woefully lacking in the middle of the fifteenth century ; to 
the dwellers in the towns it was only too evident that "the 
realme of England was oute of all good gouernance," whereby 
"the hertes of the peple were turned away from theyme that 
had the londe in gouverance, and theyre blyssyng was turnyd 
into cursyng." 3 Not only was the Lancastrian government 
powerless to secure order within the realm ; it was equally 
helpless in protecting the sea-coast towns from attack, — a fact 
which no doubt goes far toward explaining the attitude of 
the Cinque Ports in adhering to the Duke of York's party 
until the breach between Edward and Warwick. 

2 Chronicles of the White Rose, Introd., p. 75. 

3 English Chronicle (ed. Davies), p. 179. 

67 



Generally speaking Henry VTs reign is a striking instance 
of the final failure of saintly feebleness. The pious King 
was such an "innocent person" as was not fit to govern the 
realm. As a chronicler puts it, "King Henry was a goostly 
and good man, and set little store by worldly matters." The 
conduct of Margaret's northern troops in ravaging the help- 
less towns widened the breach between the Lancastrian party 
and the class of burghers. The Queen's followers openly said 
they had been given leave to spoil and rob the places south 
of the Trent. Every town felt it might suffer the same fate 
that had befallen St. Albans. "And all this season was greate 
wacche made in the citie of London ffor it was Reported that 
the Queen w l the Northern men wold come downe to th 
Citie and Robbe and dispoile the Citie, and destroy it vtterly, 
and all the Sowth Cuntre." 4 The fear of the Londoners in 
this regard would be shared by more than one municipality. 
According to the chronicler, the citizens of the metropolis 
dreaded this queen and her fury "leste she wolde have spoyled 
the cyte, — for as moche as the quene with her counselle had 
graunted yeve leve to the Northurmen for to spoyle and 
robbe the sayde cyte, and also the townes of Couentre, Bristow, 
and Salesbury, ..." "bot God wolde not suffre such a fals 
robbery." 5 It was clear that trade and industry had nothing 
to hope for from the vindictive Queen. The government of 
Henry VI was not only powerless to restore order, but the 
followers of the Lancastrian chiefs were even incited by their 
leaders to rob and destroy the more populous and flourishing 
communities of the south. Hence it is not surprising to find 
those among the townsmen who up to this time had been loyal 
to the Lancastrian government, attaching themselves to the 
Yorkist party. 

But there were other causes besides the instability of Henry 
VI's government and the havoc wrought upon the towns 
which would weigh with the burghers of the realm in deter- 
mining whether they should continue to adhere to the Lan- 
castrian party, or should yield allegiance to the cause of the 
White Rose. "The treasurer, by severe requisitions from the 
Yorkist towns, and by the exercise of the right of purveyance 
. . . drew down popular hatred on the cause which was re- 

4 Kingsf or d,Chronicles of London, p. 172. 

5 Paston Letters, III, 250; English Chronicle (ed. Davies), pp. 98, 109. 

68 



duced to such expedients." 6 This is an allusion to the exac- 
tions of Henry's treasurer, the Earl of Shrewsbury, the effect 
of which would be to intensify the ill-will felt for the gov- 
ernment in the towns with Yorkist leanings, and to excite an 
alarm in towns which were disposed to be neutral, lest they 
too might be forced to experience such illegal exactions. Last- 
ly, Edward IV's commercial policy deserves consideration 
since there are those who find in this an explanation in part 
of the reason why the cause of the Yorkists found more ad- 
herents among the townsmen than did their rivals. 7 This 
policy, generally speaking, was to favour the natives at the 
expense of foreign merchants, a policy which naturally would 
appeal to the native merchants and the artisans in the towns. 
Upon trade Henry VI looked with indifference, and Margaret 
with aversion ; Edward, on the other hand, "had the instincts 
of a merchant, and sympathized, as much as he could sympa- 
thize with anything, with the interests of trade." In a procla- 
mation following his coronation on June 28, Edward referred 
to the "verrey decay of merchandise wherein rested the pros- 
perity of the subgetts." Despite the fact that Edward 
was a favourite with the people of London and the 
great towns, Stubbs questions whether the towns felt 
any real affection for the house of York. 8 On the other 
hand, one of the chroniclers states that Edward failed to bring 
the wished for peace and prosperity and was blamed by many 
for hurting merchandise. 9 "After ten years of reign he had 
clearly less hold on the affections of the country than the 
house of Lancaster." Be that as it may, there can be no doubt 
that Edward's protectionist policy and his program of reform 
appealed to the commonalty and to the trading classes of the 
realm and would have no little weight in attaching these to 
his cause. An observer of foreign birth stated : "I am unable 
to declare how well the Commons love and adore him, as if 
he were their God." And Edward's interest in the welfare of 
the trading classes had its reward, "for so moche as he fande 
in tyme of nede grete comforth in his comyners." 10 On the 
whole, however, we are justified in concluding that for various 

6 Stubbs, Const. Hist., Ill, 187. 

7 Cf. Evans, Wales and the Wars of the Roses, pp. 150 270 272 

8 Const. Hist., Ill, 595. ' ' 

9 War k worth, Chronicle, p. 12. 

10 Cal. State Papers, Vcn., 1, 105. 

69 



reasons, the Yorkists were more bourgeois in their sympathies 
than were their rivals, cultivating more skillfully the goodwill 
of the townsmen ; in consequence the cause of York was more 
popular with the townsmen, all things considered, than was 
that of Lancaster. 

Though no geographical line can be drawn separating the 
towns which were faithful to York from those which favoured 
Lancaster, a comparison may be attempted contrasting the dis- 
tribution of the magnates who supported the rival factions 
with the location of the towns mentioned above. It has come 
to be almost a commonplace of historians to refer to the struggle 
between Lancaster and York as one between the more back- 
ward north and west and the more highly developed south and 
east. 11 Only in a rough sense is this an accurate representa- 
tion of the division of parties ; for while it is true that the 
strength of the Lancastrians lay in the extreme north and 
west, and York drew its partisans largely from the south- 
eastern counties and the marches, yet the facts do not warrant 
the division of the realm in so precise a fashion between the 
adherents of the two rival factions. More than once allusion 
has been made in these pages to the attitude of the nobility 
in the different counties. It is not necessary, therefore, to 
consider the matter of the distribution of the magnates again 
in detail. There is hardly a general statement which can be 
made in this connection to which exceptions could not be noted. 
For instance, The Yorkists were strong in the north, nor were 
there wanting adherents of the White Rose faction among the 
magnates of the southwest. On the other hand, Margaret drew 
supporters from counties in which a majority of the lords were 
Yorkist in sympathies. The very fact that the estates of the 
great lords were not compact, but were scattered in different 
counties confuses the conflict and renders difficult an alignment 
of parties corresponding to precise geographical units. No 
section of England presents a uniform political complexion in 
the struggle between Lancaster and York. To some writers 
the struggle was a war of the more populous and more ad- 
vanced south against the more baronial and wilder north ; 
others represent the conflict as one between the democratic 

11 Cf. Stubbs, Const. Hist., Ill, 180-181 ; Oman, Warwick, pp. 41, 94; 
Wright, History of Ludlom, p. 304; Traill, Social England, II, 313; 
Montague, Political History of England, 1603-1660, p. 270. 

70 



element of the south and the aristocratic north. 12 If the 
facts do not warrant the drawing of a hard and fast line be- 
tween those portions of the realm which sided with Lancaster, 
and those which favoured York, still more is this true in the 
case of the boroughs. The statement which has been repeated 
by different writers that the great towns of the south were 
steady for the house of York is only partially true. For 
as has been shown, the party of the Red Rose found warm 
partisans among the burghers of some of the southern cities. 
At the same time it is undoubtedly true that a majority of the 
townsmen south of the Trent espoused the cause of the White 
Rose. Perhaps the safest general statement which can be 
made, — and it is a commonplace one — is that the towns of the 
realm as a whole were divided in their allegiance, the attitude 
of any particular town being determined by a variety of con- 
siderations. 

In conclusion, it may be permitted to summarize the results 
which this paper has attempted to establish. First of all, it 
would seem that the general view that the towns bore an in- 
different part in the Wars of the Roses must be modified in 
view of the evidence presented to show that they were far 
more keenly interested in the struggle between Lancaster and 
York than is commonly supposed to have been the case ; their 
attitude was not actuated to such an extent by motives of 
self-interest as has been represented. Instances have been 
given of unswerving loyalty and devotion on the part of the 
burghers to the party of their choice. Edward had more 
partisans among the class of burgesses than his rival did ; this 
was particularly true of the larger towns in the southern part 
of the realm. But no line can be drawn separating the bor- 
oughs which favoured Lancaster from those which sided with 
York. A variety of motives has to be taken into account in 
explaining the attitude of any particular town toward the 
rival factions. Generally speaking, it would seem that the 
desire for a strong and settled government was the prevailing 
motive with the majority of the townsmen in determining them 
to uphold the cause of York rather than that of Lancaster. 
While it may be true that the Wars of the Roses wrought no 
very serious effect upon the national prosperity as a whole, 

12 Cf. Lappenberg und Pauli, Geschichte Englands, IV, 352. 

7i 



the towns were injured, it would seem, far more by the civil 
strife than has commonly been supposed. A number of the 
towns suffered severely from being sacked by one party or 
the other ; the finances of others were sadly impaired ; and 
in other ways they were called upon to bear a heavy burden in 
consequence of the turmoil of the times. There are good rea- 
sons for believing the plight of many of the fifteenth century 
towns was wretched ; and in not a few instances this condition 
was the result of the disasters which overtook them in conse- 
quence of the Wars of the Roses. Naturally the great mass 
of the citizens were affected chiefly by their own class inter- 
ests. So far as the bulk of the town population of England 
is concerned, their attitude toward the struggle between Lan- 
caster and York was the same as the feeling of the bulk of 
American provincials toward the war that their fellow-coun- 
trymen were engaged in with the mother country. This feel- 
ing is tersely expressed in the words of a member of a promi- 
nent colonial Virginia family: "Altho' our political rulers 
may have gotten together by the ears," there is no reason for 
"private peoples" joining in the fray. And just as Robert 
Beverley wanted to fight on neither side, but to stay at home 
and grow tobacco, so the majority of English traders and 
artisans wanted to hold aloof from the faction fights which 
distracted England in the fifteenth century and devote them- 
selves to buying and selling and getting gain. But in spite of 
the desire to remain neutral, a number of the boroughs of the 
realm were drawn into the conflict between the rival houses 
of York and Lancaster ; on more than one battle-field the 
representatives of the towns fought by the side of the feudal 
retainers ; with their money they aided the fortunes of the 
cause they had espoused ; and more than one town suffered 
severely in consequence of its loyalty. 



72 



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77 



INDEX 

Alnwick, captured by Margaret, 4. 

Bamborough, captured by Margaret 4; by the Yorkists, 37. 

Beverley, influenced by neighbouring magnates, 59, 60 ; upholds the 
party of Lancaster, 60, 61 ; intercourse with Lancastrian lords, 
60; compelled to aid Edward, 61. 

"Bloody Oaks", battle of, 64. 

Blore Heath, battle of, 63. 

Boroughs. See Towns. 

Bridport, 65. 

Bristol, history of during the period, 18; visited by Margaret, 19; 
citizens are punished by Edward for aiding Lancastrians, 19; 
receives Edward, 20; aids his cause at Towton, 20; city compara- 
tively free from civil strife, 28-29. 

Buckingham, Duke of, influences Coventry in behalf of Lancaster, 
22-23. 

Cade, Jack, supported by the corporate towns, 5. 

Canterbury, citizens actively concerned in politics of the time, 49; 
gifts to prominent personages, 50; ratification of charter by 
Edward, 50; aid rendered both factions, 50-51; account of Lan- 
castrian faction, 51-52. 

Canynges, William, 18; loyal to Yorkist cause, 20-21, 34. 

Carlisle, besieged by Scots, 12. 

Chester, intimate relations with Margaret, 63. 

Cheshire, contains adherents of Lancaster, 63. 

Cinque Ports, friendly to Cade and to Edward, 53; granted a charter 
by Edward, 55 ; ally themselves with Warwick against Edward, 
55 ; reasons for deserting Henry VI, 57. 

Clarence, Duke of, 40, 56-57. 

Colchester, takes no active part in civil strife, 31 ; receives a valuable 
grant from Edward, 32 ; influence of great families in, 32. 

Cornwall, attitude of landholders of, 39. 

Courtenay, Thomas, Earl of Devonshire, hostile to Exeter, 39. 

Coventry, citizens support the cause of Lancaster, 22; desert Lancaster, 
23 ; aid Edward with money and troops, 23-24 ; courted by Ed- 
ward and Warwick, 24; pursue a temporizing policy, 24; support 
Warwick against Edward, 25 ; punished by Edward for dis- 
loyalty, 25 ; harm to city as a result of being drawn into civil 
strife, 26. 

Devonshire, attitude of men of, 39. 

Dover, active in politics of the time, 54; payments for various pur- 
poses, 55. 
Dunstanborough, 12. 

Edward IV, receives support of the towns, 4; grants charters to same, 
5; supported by London, 8; accepted as king by commonalty of, 
8-9 ; grants charter to, 9 ; favoured by larger towns, 10 ; grants 
charter to York, 11; visits the city, 12, 15; aided by authorities 
of, 12; intercourse with citizens of, 13; reasons for popularity 
with class of burghers, 13, 69; punishes citizens of Bristol for 
aiding Lancaster, 19 ; grants charter to citizens of, 20-21 ; exerts 

79 



pressure upon Norwich, 27 ; grants a charter to city, 28 ; confers 
privileges upon Lincoln, 30; makes valuable grant to Colchester, 
32; grants a charter to Southampton, 33-34; confirms charter of 
Newcastle, 35 ; makes grants to Exeter, 40 ; grants charters to 
Leicester, 44-45 ; grants a charter to Cinque Ports, 55 ; seizes 
liberties of Dover, 56; his commercial policy, 69. 
Exeter, attitude of citizens of, 39; receives William, Lord Bonville, 39; 
citizens aid Margaret with money and troops, 40; intercourse 
with Edward, 40-41. 

Falconbridge, attacks London, 9. 

Faunt, Nicholas, aids party of Lancaster, 51-52. 

Gloucester, Richard, Duke of, popular in York, 13; referred to, 38. 
Gloucester, attitude of men of, 38. 
Grantham, 24, 64. 

Hanson, Richard, mayor of Hull, loyal to Lancaster, 36. 

Hastings, William, Lord, cultivates friendship of York, 14; influence 

with men of Leicester, 44, 46. 
Henry IV, grants privileges to Lincoln, 31 ; deprives Colchester of 

privileges, 31. 
Henry VI, writes to citizens of York, 11; rewards Coventry for its 

loyalty, 22 ; renews charter of Exeter, 39 ; summons his supporters 

to Leicester, 43; grants Northampton a charter, 59; instability of 

his government, 67-69. 
Henry VIII, description of towns in time of, 34. 
Hereford, negligible influence in civil strife, 47. 
Herefordshire, attitude of, 46. 
Hull, devotedly loyal to Henry VI, 36-38; grants received from this 

monarch, 36. 

Ipswich, upholds the Yorkist cause, 58. 
John, attitude of towns towards, 2. 



Kent, espouses the cause of York, 49. 
King's Lynn, 65. 



Leicester, attitude of, 43-44; evinces partiality for Edward, 44; re- 
warded by Edward, 44-45 ; men of, aid Edward at Towton, 45. 

Leicestershire, divided in allegiance of, 43. 

Lincoln, probably hostile to Edward, 30; receives privileges from, 30; 
decay of during 15th century, 31. 

Lincolnshire, region hostile to Edward, 30. 

London, attitude of in former civil wars, 7 ; divided in its allegiance 
between Lancaster and York, 7; aids Yorkist cause, 8; fears 
Queen Margaret's army, 8; receives Edward as king, 8-9; aids 
him with troops, 9; rewarded by Edward, 9; population of, 10. 

Ludlow, loyal to Yorkists, 61-62; ravaged by Lancastrians, 62; 
granted a charter by Edward, 62. 

Lydd, incurs heavy expenses for Yorkists, 54. 

Margaret of Anjou, cultivates the citizens of Bristol, 19; moves the 
Court to Coventry, 22 ; visits Norwich, 25 ; refused admission 
into Gloucester, 38; cultivates friendship of Chester, 62. 

May, Henry, adherent of house of Lancaster, 19. 

Mede, Philip, a zealous Yorkist, 20-21. 

Montfort, Simon de, mentioned in connection with towns, 2. 

Neville, George, Archbishop of York, 60. 

Newbury, declares for the Duke of York, 65; ravaged by troops of 
Margaret, 65. 

80 



Newcastle-upon-Tyne, history of during period, 35. 

New Romney, in Cade's rebellion, 6; relations with Yorkist leaders, 54; 

sides with Warwick against Edward, 57. 
Northampton, represented at Towton, 59. 
Northamptonshire, attitude of lords of, 50. 
Norfolk, county of, attitude towards civil conflict, 26. 
Norwich, account of during the period, 26; contributes money to Henry 

VI, 27; charter granted to by Henry VI, 27; compelled to support 

Edward, 27 ; receives a charter from Edward, 28. 
Nottingham, participation in civil strife, 41 ; renders Edward effective 

aid, 42. 
Nottinghamshire, attitude of, 41. 

Pembroke, Jasper, Earl of, 20-21. 

Percy, Henry, third Earl of Northumberland, 40, 60. 

Pontefract, 13. 

Ravenspur, 15. 
Rookwood, William, 27. 

Sandwich, gifts to the Earl of Warwick, 56. 

Shipward, John, a zealous Yorkist, 20. 

Shrewsbury, loyal to the Yorkist cause, 47-48. 

Somerset, Duke of, at Bristol, 19; at Exeter, 40. 

Somersetshire, attitude of landholders of, 39. 

Southampton, ruin of city finances, 33 ; receives a grant from Edward, 

33-34; reasons for supporting Yorkist cause, 34. 
Suffolk, Duke of, influence of, 36. 
Stamford, ravaged by Lancastrians, 64; supports Edwards, 64; reasons 

for siding with Yorkists, 64. 

Tadcaster, 15. 

Towton, commons engaged at, 3, 66. 

Towns, alleged attitude in Wars of Roses, 1-2; reasons for assuming 
a cautious attitude, 2, 3 ; loyalty to rival factions, 3 ; courted by 
the two parties, 4; population of, 10, 32; estimate of influence 
of leading towns in civil strife, 28-29; growth and decay of, 33; 
unmerited criticism of, 42; share in civil war, underrated, 66, 71; 
majority of townsmen favour York, 67; alienated from Margaret 
by conduct of her troops, 68 ; taxed by Earl of Shrewsbury, 69 ; 
divided in their allegiance, 70, 71 ; suffer severely as a result of 
the civil conflict, 72; desire to remain neutral, 72. 

Warwick, Earl of, relations with York, 12 ; relations with Coventry, 
23-26; influence in the Midlands, 23, 46; in rebellion against 
Edward, 40, 42 ; popular with Kentishmen, 49 ; favourite with 
Cinque Ports, 53; defeats Spaniards, 53; joined by men of 
Cinque Ports, 54, 55, 56-57. 

Warwickshire, attitude of county toward civil strife, 21. 

Waynflete, William, Bishop of Lincoln, a Lancastrian adherent, 48. 

Wenlock, 65. 

Wiltshire, Earl of, 65. 

Winchester, decay of, 48; loyal to Henry VI, 48-49. 

Worcester, represented at Towton, 46. 

Worcester, Earl of, 47. 

Worcestershire, attitude of, 46. 

Yonge, Thomas, a Yorkist, 18-19. 

Yonge, John, 18. 

York, Henry VI seeks goodwill of, 11; Edward's grant to, 11; sup- 
ports the Earl of Warwick, 12; receives Edward, 12, 15, 16; 
consults him as to government of city, 13; reasons for support of 

81 



Yorkists, 13; friendly to Lord Hastings, 14; deserts Henry VI 
for Edward, 14; a centre for Lancastrians, 14; citizens' account 
of their share in civil broils, 17; rival factions in, 17. 

York, Duke of, solicits aid of townsmen, 4; connection with Cade's 
rebels, 5; on friendly terms with Londoners, 28; relations with 
Shrewsbury, 47 ; lord of Stamford, 64. 

Yorkshire, attitude of great families of, 13. 



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